Jurnal Konstitusi
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Teori Utilitarianisme Jeremy Bentham: Tujuan Hukum Atau Metode Pengujian Produk Hukum?
Utility as a legal purpose has become a belief in Indonesia. In his literature, Bentham implies that utility are the dimension of the calculation of pleasure and pain, which is more appropriate to be used as a method of evaluating laws and regulations, rather than for legal purposes. This study tries to dissect the concept of Bentham\u27s utilitarianism theory, and to find its position in the facet of legal thought. The conclusion of this study explains why utility is not a legal purpose. Utility is part of the calculation variables for evaluating legal product evaluation methods, so as to determine whether legal certainty in a legal product is sustainable or not. Furthermore, Bentham\u27s theory of utilitarianism takes the separability thesis and the reductive thesis, as its standpoint of legal positivism, therefore Bentham\u27s utilitarianism theory is not an independent school of thought, but a facet of legal positivis
Peran Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Perlindungan Hak Pilih dalam Negara Hukum Demokratis
The involvement of ex-convicts in political contests sparked a discourse on human rights and their protection by the Constitutional Court. This paper will answer constitutional dynamics of these rules through the decisions of the Constitutional Court. This research uses normative-legal method. The result shows that since the beginning, the regulation has been declared conditionally unconstitutional, but the requirements and implementation of it have developed in subsequent decisions. The Court has determined four constitutional requirements cumulatively in the form of not being revoked by a court decision; limited to a period of 5 (five) years; admits being a former convict openly and honestly; and not as a recidivist. The Court changed its stance that the requirement applies alternatively if there is an honest and open acknowledgment as an ex-convict, then other conditions are no longer needed. However, in its final decision, the Court restored the validity of the previous four cumulative conditions.
Politik Hukum Pengaturan Keserentakan Pemilu
General elections in Indonesia have shifted a lot motivated by efforts to seek their ideal form. The last time, elections were held simultaneously by combining the five types of elections stipulated in Article 22E of the 1945 Constitution. The various complexities and challenges of the 2019 election should be evaluated. Elections basically have two main objectives, 1) to produce a government that represents every element in society; 2) create a government that is able to govern well. This paper discusses about the complexity and challenges of the 2019 simultaneous election and how the ideal election timing is designed. This research uses normative legal research methods (legal research) with two approaches: normative approach and conceptual approach. This study resulted, first, there were technical complications in the 2019 Concurrent Election, namely the workload of the organizers, especially the KPPS; a significant increase in the election budget; and voter confusion due to too many types of elections which implicated too many candidate lists. Second, the Constitutional Court has determined six electoral models as well as constitutional ones, and this can be considered as judicial law politics. Lawmakers must immediately act on the Constitutional Court\u27s decision by amending the electoral law which adopts one of the simultaneous election models
The Constitutionality of the Electronic Information and Transaction Law: Towards Overcoming SARA Conflict on Social Media
The subsistence of the Electronic Transaction and Information Law control and manage the illicit offenses related to the multiplication of concerns that hold Ethnicity, Religion, Race, and Intergroup (SARA) . Following the idea of law developed by practicality as a way of social regeneration. It is a legal normative investigation utilizing theoretical concurrence and laws. This research is a logical description by using qualitative information examination. The study revealed that content that contains SARA issues is referred to as a hatred statement, which can be construed as an act of communication, carried out by groups or individuals in the form of aggravation and endangered to throw the scandalous actor to prison for utmost six years and a fine of 1.000.000.000 rupiahs. Additionally, the accomplishment of the permissible authority of the Electronic Transaction and Information Law can be classified as non-implementation of the law authenticity establishment as shown from the culture that was not able to go after the rules made by law. It means that this law did not yet have a legal effect. This investigation advocates that society needs to behave by following the officially permitted rules, explained in the Electronic Transaction and Information Law
Kegagalan Peraturan Penanganan Covid-19 di Indonesia
COVID-19\u27s occurrence in Indonesia requires the use of a variety of legal instruments related to COVID-19 in Indonesia. In practice, the existence of various legislative laws creates new legal concerns, such as failure to implement in connection to the original handling of COVID-19. Both Lon Fuller\u27s concept of legal failure and Emergency Constitutional Law can be used to explain this failure. According to this article, failure to implement COVID-19 handling manifests itself in a variety of ways: First, laws and regulations have yet to incorporate the concept of an outbreak as a disaster. Second, the government neglected to adopt legislative rules through the provisions of the Health Authenticity Acts. Third, the failure to establish consistent and evolving regulations was not caused by the controlled medications or the regulations in place. According to this article, the regulation failed because the government did not declare a state of emergency prior to its enactment
Calon Tunggal Pilkada: Krisis Kepemimpinan dan Ancaman Bagi Demokrasi
The single candidate became a political phenomenon in Indonesia. However, the phenomenon rarely happens, consistently increasing the number of single candidates in the local election. This research aims to analyze whether this political phenomenon alerts democracy decadency or a typical circumstance in a democratic state. The method used in this research is doctrinal legal research. The result shows several reasons the single candidate consistently increases from event-to-event sort of an epidemic virus that could spread across the province. Some factors supporting the rise of the single-candidate phenomenon, for instance, the local parliamentary threshold of proposing the candidate, public distrust to the political parties, disfunction of a political party to giving a political education for its members and constituents, and the political parties tend to avoid the political risks of losing (incumbent). Finally, this single candidate phenomenon is a bad alert for democracy development, notably in the local area
Kedudukan Hukum Khusus dalam Pengujian Undang-Undang di Mahkamah Konstitusi
In general, the Constitutional Court has the view that political parties that have seats in the DPR and/or members of the DPR already have legislative space and do not have the legal standing to review laws. However, there are a number of exceptions in many cases where political parties and members of the DPR are considered to have a special position even though they are also discussing the passed laws. This paper discusses the jurisprudential pattern of the Constitutional Court in granting special legal status to political parties and members of the DPR. Using the case approach method in collaboration with the comparison method this paper seeks to map the potential for testing with specific constitutional rights. The findings in this paper reinforce the concept that although the results of law formation in the legislature and legal review in the judiciary are equally binding for citizens, the process of law formation and legal review has a different character and these differences are beneficial within the framework of checks and balances
Konstitusionalitas Pelunasan Utang Pajak Perusahaan Pailit Berdasarkan Putusan Pengadilan
The decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVIII/2020 states that the appointment of the management as a representative of a taxpayer in the form of an entity aims to guarantee certainty that the actions of a legal entity can be held accountable, equivalent to the guarantee of the right of a legal entity to do or not to do something for the sake of the legal entity in question (which incidentally ends up in the interests of the management and shareholders). The management is the main party who is held accountable for the actions/actions of a legal entity because the management operates it in a daily basis. The imposition of responsibilities of a legal entity (which cannot do anything without human assistance) to a person or group of management is not contrary to the 1945 Constitution. Likewise in the case of corporate tax obligations, the provisions that impose the settlement of an entity\u27s tax obligations (debts) bankrupt company tax) to the management of the agency represented by the curator is in accordance with the 1945 Constitution. In accordance to Article 32 paragraph (2) of the KUP Law with the norms of the 1945 Constitution, especially in terms of providing protection and fair legal certainty to all parties interacting with legal entities, including the Applicant who is the administrator of the legal entity, as guaranteed by Article 28D paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution. One form of the rights of the parties that interacts with legal entities is the right of the state to receive payment of taxes from a certain legal entity through a party or person acting as the administrator of the legal entity. This article discusses the constitutionality of paying tax debts to companies that declared bankrupt by a court decision
Dari Sekadau ke Sabu Raijua: Menakar Jejak Bawaslu dalam Dinamika Persidangan di Mahkamah Konstitusi
The Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) in the hearing of 2020 Regional Head Election Dispute played an essential role as a supervisor and its statements in the field became one of the keys for the Constitutional Court of Justice to obtain balanced, neutral or impartial information. This article focuses on the role and track record of Bawaslu as the supervisor of the Regional Head Elections in the vortex of controversy. Disputes over the results of the regional head elections in the Constitutional Court. In PHPKada, these include North Morowali Regency, Boven Digoel Regency, Sekadau Regency, Pesisir Selatan Regency, and Sabu Raijua Regency where Bawaslu always presents information on the results of supervision in every trial at the Constitutional Court. The facts of the trial that were revealed cannot be separated from the judicial strengthening of Bawaslu\u27s role and the Panel of Judges can elaborate deeper into the results of field supervision. The process of proof in the trial of the Constitutional Court by examining the evidence, witness statements are also equipped with the submission of the results of the report by the party giving the information, namely Bawaslu. The addition of this authority makes Bawaslu no longer just a recommending institution, but also decide the election case
Menguji Ketangguhan Realisme: Kritik terhadap Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 Pasca Pemilu Serentak 2019
This article examines Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 following the simultaneous elections of 2019. The object is the correctness of the utilisation of realism as a theory of adjudication by the Court in deciding the constitutionality of Law Number 42 of 2008. It can be concluded that, the Court’s decision is false, i.e. it fails to strengthen presidential in Indonesia, as expected by the Court, according to coattail effect theory. Hence, responding to this failure, this article suggests a caveat that the utilisation of realism should anticipate its fallibility. Therefore, responding to the issue to be more general, this article also suggests a proposal for a constitutional amendment to restructure the judicial review mechanism in accordance with the Canadian model known as, conceptually, judicial review with legislative finality. The recommendation aims to anticipate judicial error in constitutional interpretation as shown by the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013