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Economic Recovery in Response to Worldwide Crises: Fiduciary Responsibility and the Legislative Consultative Process with Respect to Bill 150 (Green Energy and Green Economy Act, 2009) and Bill 197 (COVID-19 Economic Recovery Act, 2020) in Ontario, Canada
No full textThe Green Energy and Green Economy Act (2009) was an omnibus bill that affected a number of other acts. Due to the breadth of its effects, it should have seen a rigorous consultation and review process; this is especially true given how it would impact First Nations and its explicit mention in the Bill. However, it took less than three months for it to receive Royal Assent and become an act. This timeline is extremely short, even among similar bills within the same context. One of the core reasons for this swift transition is due to its labeling as green energy, which has benign connotations. This effectively allowed the bill to be expedited through the consultation process. The consultation process had many hurdles of its own that inhibited meaningful consultation including its timeframe, location of hearings, accessibility, and other factors. The term green energy was also never defined within the Act, meaning it only served as a form of signaling. This raises many questions with respect to the Government of Ontario’s conduct in the situation and how they handled their legal duty to consult with Indigenous people of Ontario, Canada. There are many voices that have raised issues with this process. If nothing else, this example serves the purpose of demonstrating the dangers of green-labelling, especially to Indigenous people of Canada and other Indigenous groups worldwide
Improvement as the Foundation of Liberty: Locke on Labour, Equality, and Civic Membership
No full textMany researchers have addressed the question of whether Locke’s individuals are fundamentally self-interested or motivated by the common good. This paper approaches this question by focusing on his views on labour, labourers, industry, and improvement. This approach reveals that Locke envisaged a community whose members are not only concerned with securing individual rights and self-interest, or with performing extra-civic or God-given duties, but should also be motivated to make efforts to improve both material and moral life. To him, labour represented the common capacities of mankind to make use of their “heads” and “hands” industriously, and to thus contribute to one another by making their lives better. Locke’s individuals are active members of society, regardless of status or class. His inclusion of the labouring poor as equal contributors marks the break with humanist political discourse on the one hand, and with the Protestant idea of calling on the other
Empire in the Provinces: A Comparative Analysis Between Imperial Intermediaries in Rome and China
No full textLarge empires depend on intermediaries to govern provincial lands. The Roman empire and imperial China during the Qin and Han dynasties are no exception. This essay compares the types of intermediaries found in Rome and China. Both empires utilized local elites and imperial bureaucracies to maintain rule, but not to the same extent. To keep order, imperial China entrusted minimal powers to the local aristocracy and heavily depended on a bureaucracy run by imperial officials. Meanwhile, the Roman empire’s bureaucracy was much more limited. Instead, Rome mainly allowed local elites to rule the provinces. To maintain the loyalty of their intermediaries, both empires had to offer various incentives to cooperate with the system. However, neither Rome nor China had perfect control over their subjects. Corruption was a common problem among intermediaries. Even so, both imperial systems were successful enough to last several centuries
Gender as a Self-Conferred Identity
No full textThis paper develops and defends the view that gender is an identity that we confer upon ourselves. The claim that gender is a self-conferred identity is not novel, but its metaphysics is obscure at best. What exactly is an identity, and how do we manage to confer identities upon ourselves? Furthermore, how does the claim that gender is a self-conferred identity comport with the widely accepted notion that gender is also a social identity and that social identities are (at least partly) either conferred upon us by others or constituted by the social positions we occupy? This paper articulates a metaphysics for the self-conferred-identity account that addresses these questions. The most important advantage of the view is that, in contrast to other realist theories about the metaphysics of gender, this one transparently offers a basis for assigning first-person authority to people’s judgments about their own gender
The Direct and Indirect Effects of Cohabitation on Children's Human Capital Development
No full textDespite an extensive literature exploring union formation and behavioural differences between cohabiting and married couples, only a small number of studies analyze the role cohabitation plays in children’s early human capital development. We contribute to this literature by disentangling the direct effect of cohabitation, through household environments, and its indirect effect, via parental investment, on children’s early cognitive development. By incorporating cohabitation-specific assumptions into an existing parental investment model, we obtain the theoretical prediction that cohabiting parents spend less on goods and invest less time in their children’s development. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and Child/Young Adult from 1986 to 2002, we employ instrumental variables estimation to test our theoretical prediction. Maternal locus of control acts as an instrument to eliminate the endogeneity between parental investment and child development. We find significant but modest, negative direct and indirect effects of cohabitation on children’s test scores at young ages. (JEL D13, J12, J13, J24
Impact of USMCA on the Valuation of Canadian Agriculture and Manufacturing
No full textAn event study methodology is applied to Canadian sectors with historical significance in trade negotiations or explicitly targeted by the Trump administration. Canadian agriculture, specifically dairy, and auto-related manufacturers are examined. Dairy processors and agriculture inputs produce positive statistically significant cumulative abnormal returns for the agreed date between the three nations and Donald Trump’s election, respectively. Although the other sectors do not have similar results, auto-related manufacturers’ response to the negotiation process highlights how initial expectations towards NAFTA’s renegotiation were too harsh. The anti-trade and pro-agriculture views associated with the Trump administration played a prominent role in altering investors’ original expectations of USMCA. Showing a more positive view once details emerged from the final agreement. Overall, the impact of USMCA was much more favorable to Canadian dairy than initially thought, resulting in a positive valuation change from an investors’ expectations point of view
“We Don't Get Sick we're Invisible”: The Policy Aimed at Homeless People in the City of São Paulo and its Effects During the COVID-19 Pandemic
No full textThe 2019 census identified that São Paulo had a homeless population of 24,344 people, a situation potentially worsened due to the crisis generated by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Since the 1990s, a regulatory framework that obliges the municipal Executive Branch to serve this population has been strengthened, including instruments for participation. This article aims to conduct an analysis of this policy, verifying its application through the COVID-19 pandemic. Understanding the underlying complexity of this population’s living conditions, the authors adopted a vulnerability perspective to develop such an analysis, focusing on institutional vulnerability. Based on this discussion, this study approached the following question: How are the state of São Paulo’s actions related to the homeless population’s vulnerability, and what are the consequences of this condition during the COVID-19 pandemic? Based on qualitative secondary data, this article is presented as a result of the historical survey of the policy to protect the homeless population and the interaction between this population and the State. This article also reviews different forms of vulnerabilities to which the São Paulo homeless population is exposed, and the actions implemented by the government during the pandemic. As a contribution, the authors raise the negative and positive impacts of the state’s actions on the living conditions of this population, adding to the literature on institutional vulnerabilities and directing an investigation of the organizational elements of the public sector that may be associated with these impacts.
No censo de 2019, identificou-se que São Paulo tinha uma população em situação de rua de 24.344 pessoas, situação potencialmente agravada pela crise gerada pela pandemia de COVID-19 a partir de 2020. Desde a década de 1990, um marco regulatório que obriga o Poder Executivo municipal a atender este público tem sido fortalecido, abrangendo inclusive instrumentos de participação. Este artigo tem por objetivo tecer uma análise dessa política, verificando sua aplicação no momento singular que é a pandemia de COVID-19. Compreendendo a complexidade subjacente às condições de vida deste público, adotamos a lente de vulnerabilidades para desenvolver tal análise, com foco especial em vulnerabilidade institucional. A partir dessa discussão, colocamos a seguinte questão: como as ações estatais se relacionam com a condição de vulnerabilidade da população em situação de rua e quais os desdobramentos de tal condição durante a pandemia da COVID-19? Construído qualitativamente a partir de dados secundários, este artigo apresenta como resultados o levantamento histórico da política de proteção à população em situação de rua e os modos de interação entre esta população e o Estado, mais especificamente, o de São Paulo; e as diferentes formas de vulnerabilidades às quais essa população está exposta e as ações implementadas durante a pandemia. Como contribuições, trazemos os impactos negativos e positivos da ação estatal na condição de vida dessa população, agregando à literatura das vulnerabilidades institucionais, além de direcionar uma investigação para os elementos organizacionais do setor público que podem estar associados a esses impactos
La francisation des patronymes d’origine étrangère au Québec et en Acadie
No full textAs early as the 17th century, individuals bearing surnames other than French began to arrive in Québec and Acadia, either of their own volition or as captives. During the first three centuries of colonization, their names more often than not underwent orthographic alterations corresponding more or less with the way unilingual francophones perceived their pronunciation. As a result, a number of surnames unique to French Canada were created and passed down. Although these can be found here and there in various onomastic and genealogical works, a comprehensive list has never been compiled. The object of the present study is thus to remedy this situation by presenting a systematic classification of these family names based on the national and linguistic origins of the first bearers.Dès le 17ème siècle, des individus portant des noms autres que français ont commencé à arriver au Québec et en Acadie, soit de leur propre gré ou en tant que captifs. Durant les trois premiers siècles de colonisation, leurs noms ont plus souvent qu’autrement subi des altérations orthographiques qui correspondaient plus ou moins à la façon dont les unilingues francophones de ces régions en percevaient la prononciation. De ce fait, il s’est créé et transmis au Canada français un grand nombre de patronymes uniques en leur genre. Or, bien que ceux-ci se retrouvent ici et là dans différents ouvrages anthroponymiques et généalogiques, il n’en existe à ce jour aucune liste exhaustive. La présente étude vise donc à remédier à cette situation en présentant un classement systématique de ces noms de famille en termes de l’origine nationale et linguistique des premiers porteurs
Langues des toponymes des archipels créoles de l’océan Indien (les Mascareignes, les Seychelles et les Chagos)
No full textFrench territories in the late eighteenth century, the archipelagos of Mascarene (Reunion Island, Mauritius), Seychelles and Chagos (Diego Garcia) experienced a different political destiny. All of these islands except Reunion Island became English. Yet today, the toponymy is still mostly in French. This article proposes to quantify and qualify the languages used to name these territories relying on a placenames database. Territoires français à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les archipels des Mascareignes (La Réunion, Maurice), Seychelles et Chagos (Diégo Garcia) ont connu un destin politique différent. L’ensemble de ces îles excepté La Réunion est devenu anglais. Pourtant, elles ont toujours aujourd’hui une toponymie majoritairement française. Le présent article se propose donc de quantifier et qualifier les langues utilisées pour nommer ces territoires en s’appuyant sur une base de données toponymique.