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    Can We Become Walking Qurans? Improving Our Capacity to Follow the Prophetic Sunnah

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    Mi muslimani smo naučili slijediti Sunnet Poslanika, njegov život i njegovu praksu. Prvi koraci u tome su obavljanje namāza kao što je on obavljao, davanja zekāta jednako velikodušno i na vrijeme kao što je on to radio, obavljanje hadždža i ʿumre kao i on. Na taj način mi izvršavamo obrede naše vjere. Jasno je da slijediti Sunnet Poslanika znači više od samog fizičkog izvršavanja naših obreda. Postizanje izvrsnosti u slijeđenju Sunneta Poslanika je nešto što su rani muslimani nastojali postići. To je zabilježeno u predaji tabi'ina (ḥadīth tābiʿīn) - osoba iz generacije nakon Poslanikove generacije, koja je bila ili premlada kada je Poslanik preselio ili je rođena tek nakon njegove smrti- koji je, želeći da sazna više o tome kakav je bio Poslanik, otišao do njegove udovice Aiše da je o tome pita. Njezin odgovor je bio da je Poslanik zapravo bio 'hodajući Kur’an'.As Muslims, we are taught that we are to follow the Prophet’s Sunnah, his precedent and praxis. The first steps we learn on how to do this is to pray as he did, give the zakāh as generously as he did, fast as he did, perform ḥajj and ʿumrah as he did; that is, by performing the rituals of the faith. Clearly, following the Prophetic Sunnah involves more than just the physical performance of our rituals. Achieving excellence in following the Prophetic Sunnah was something that the early Muslims sought to achieve. It is revealed in the ḥadīth of a tābiʿī (a person of the generation after the Prophet’s generation who was either too young when the Prophet died or born just after his death) who, wanting to know more about how the Prophet was like, went to his widow Aisha and asked her. Her response was that the Prophet was effectively a ‘Walking Quran.

    Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in the Philosophy of Politics (3)

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    Treći, završni dio ove studije, analizira odnos Bošnjaka i Bosne kroz interakciju tri hronološki i problemski povezana procesa. Prvim postupkom, definiranim kao ‘arheologija politike zaborava’, rekonstruiraju se, u svim dosadašnjim istraživanjima potpuno zapostavljeni, aspekti geneze historijskih i političkih faktora projekta negiranja Bošnjaka kao posebnog naroda/nacije, brisanja njihovog historijskog imena, naziva jezika te etničkog, duhovnog, kulturnog i državotvornog identiteta. Drugo, razmatra se pitanje odnosa Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije i Bosne kao njihove matične države, koju su oni stvorili i odbranili, iz generalne problemsko-teorijske perspektive kao i iz novijih zbivanja i aktuelne situacije. Treće, argumentira se teza da je očuvanje historijskog imena „Bošnjaci“, vraćenog 28. septembra 1993. godine, trajni strateški imperativ svih Bošnjaka svijeta i conditio sine qua non opstanka Bosne kao države i kao koncepta. Kritički se analizira inicijativa da se umjesto historijskog imena upotrebljavaju teritorijalne odrednice „Bosanci“, odnosno „Bosanci i Hercegovci“ što ima za cilj definitivno ukloniti s historijske scene Bošnjake kao narod/naciju. Budući da je opstanak Bošnjaka nužni uvjet opstanka i postojanja Bosne, imperativ historijskog trenutka nalaže bezrezervno prihvatanje historijskog imena „Bošnjaci“, obnovu osjećanja zajedničke pripadnosti i uzajamne povezanosti Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije, jačanje emotivne veze sa sopstvenim nacionalnim bićem te uspostavljanje svijesti o moralnoj obavezi svakog pojedinca Bošnjaka prema svom narodu, Bošnjacima, i njihovoj matičnoj državi Bosni.The third, final part of this study, analyses the relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnia through the interaction of three chronologically problem-related processes: 1. The procedure defined as 'The Archeology of the Politics of Oblivion' reconstructs in all previous research completely neglected aspects of the genesis of historical and political factors of the project of denial of Bosniaks as a separate people / nation, erasing their historical name, language name and ethnic, spiritual, cultural and state identity; 2. The issue of the relationship between Bosniaks as a people / nation and Bosnia, as their home state, which they created and defended, from the general problem-theory perspective as well as from recent events and with the current situation being considered; 3. The thesis is argued that the preservation of the historical name „Bosniaks“, returned on September 28, 1993, is a permanent strategic imperative of all Bosniaks in the world and a conditio sine qua non of the survival of Bosnia as a state and as a concept..  The initiative to use the territorial determinants „Bosnians“ or „Bosnians and Herzegovinians“ instead of the historical name, which aims to definitively remove Bosniaks from the historical scene as a people / nation, is critically analysed. Since the survival of Bosniaks is a necessary condition for the survival and existence of Bosnia, the imperatives of the historical moment require the unconditional acceptance of the historical name „Bosniaks“, the renewal of the sense of common belonging and mutual connection of Bosniaks as a people / nation, strengthening the emotional connection with one's own national being and establishing the awareness of the moral obligation of every individual Bosniak towards his/her Bosniak people and their home state of Bosnia

    Infidel or Paganus? The Polysemy of kafara in the Quran

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    Ovim člankom autor istražuje značenje korijena k-f-r u Kur'anu, dovodeći u pitanje praksu prevođenja imenice kāfir kao "nevjernik". Autor tvrdi u korist razlike između idiomatskog frazalnog[1] glagola kafara bi-, koji uistinu znači odbiti ili ne vjerovati, i jednostavnog neprelaznog glagola kafara i njegovih glagolskih imenica, koji se u Kur'anu koriste na mnogo različitih načina. Ova polisemija se istražuje kroz kontekstualna čitanja kur'anskih poglavlja. Autor tvrdi se da se imenica kāfir, za razliku od glagola kafara, koristi samo u pogledu sljedbenika tradicionalnog politeizma i modificirana je u odnosu na Jevreje i kršćane. Također, autor otkriva mogući utjecaj grčkog i latinskog poimanja arapske riječi kafara.This article explores the meaning of the root k-f-r in the Quran, questioning the practice of translating the noun kāfir as “infidel.” It argues for a distinction between the idiomatic phrasal verb kafara bi-, which does mean to reject or disbelieve, and the simple intransitive verb kafara and its deverbal nouns, which are used in the Quran in a large number of different ways. This polysemy is explored through contextual readings of Quran passages. It is argued that the noun kāfir, unlike the verb kafara, is used only with regard to adherents of traditional polytheism and is not deployed in an unmodified way with regard to Jews and Christians. The possible influence on the Arabic kafara of Greek and Latin conceptions is also broached

    Cosmic Dance of Dialogue!

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    Autor polazi od očiglednog iskaza da niko ne zna sve o svemu i da možemo imati samo djelomično znanje o bilo kojem ograničenom proučavanju stvarnosti, premda, kada je u pitanju religija, mnogi i dalje tvrde da znaju sve što trebaju znati. Pošto ljudi ne mogu sve znati, dijalog je neophodan, jer kroz razgovor s drugim čovjek uči ono što ne može opaziti iz svog mjesta i sa svojim ličnim sočivima znanja. Dijalog nije samo način da se dobije više informacija: Dijalog je potpuno novi način razmišljanja! Dijalog u njegovom najširem značenju u samom je srcu kosmosa, odnosno sama suština kosmosa i naše čovječnosti je dijaloška a ispunjeni ljudski život je najviši izraz Kosmičkog plesa dijaloga. Stoga, autor naglašava, mi ljudi danas imamo očigledan izbor: dijalog ili smrt! U tekstu se ističe da postoje tri glavne dimenzije dijaloga, koje odgovaraju strukturi ljudskosti: Dijalog glave, ruku i srca u holističkoj harmoniji svetog čovjeka. U dijalogu glave dopiremo do onih koji misle drukčije od nas da bismo razumjeli kako oni vide svijet i razlog za njihovo ponašanje. Svijet je prekompliciran da bi ga iko mogao shvatiti sam. U dijalogu ruku udružujemo se s drugima kako bismo učinili svijet boljim mjestom u kojem svi moramo živjeti zajedno. U dijalogu srca otvaramo se da sagledamo/primimo ljepotu drugog. Autor zaključuje da ljudi ne mogu živjeti podijeljeno. Ako žele preživjeti, pa još i procvjetati, moraju ne samo plesati pojedinačno dijaloge glave, ruke i srca već i okupiti različite dijelove u harmoniji.The author starts from the obvious statement that no one knows everything about everything and that we can have only partial knowledge of any limited study of reality, although, when it comes to religion, many still claim to know everything they need to know. Since people cannot know everything, dialogue is necessary, because through a conversation with another, a person learns what he cannot notice from his place and with his personal lenses of knowledge.  Dialogue is not just a way to get more information: Dialogue is a whole new way of thinking! Dialogue in its broadest sense is at the very heart of the cosmos, that is, the very essence of the cosmos and our humanity is dialogical, and fulfilled human life is the highest expression of the Cosmic Dance of Dialogue. Therefore, the author emphasizes, we humans today have an obvious choice: dialogue or death! The text points out that there are three main dimensions of dialogue, which correspond to the structure of humanity: The dialogue of the head, hands and heart in the holistic harmony of the holy man. In the dialogue of the head we reach out to those who think differently from us to understand how they see the world and the reason for their behavior. The world is too complicated for anyone to figure it out on their own. In hand dialogue, we team up with others to make the world a better place where we all need to live together. In the dialogue of the heart we open ourselves to perceive/receive the beauty of the other. The author concludes that people cannot live divided. If they want to survive, and even flourish, they must not only dance individually the dialogues of head, hand, and heart but also bring together the various parts in harmony

    Reform, by no Means Revolution

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    Djelo Budućnost islama, prema autoru, nastalo je iz pobude i pokušaja ponovne izgradnje odnosa Zapada s muslimanskim svijetom, posebno u svjetlu politike tadašnjeg američkog predsjednika Baracka Obame i njegove politike za „novim putem naprijed“ (str. 6) nakon njegovog „historijskog govora“ u Kairu - kako su to prenijeli zapadni mediji. Djelo je koncizno i unutar svoja četiri osnovna poglavlja nastoji odgovoriti na nekoliko ključnih pitanja: Kakva je budućnost islama - reformacijska ili revolucijska? Da li su islam i modernost kompatibilni? Koliko je rasprostranjen islamski fundamentalizam i da li je on prijetnja muslimanskim društvima i Zapadu?According to the author, the text The Future of Islam was produced as an incentive and attempt to re-build relations between the West and the Muslim world, particularly in the light of the policy of “a new way forward” (p.6) of the then U.S. president Barack Obama, after his ‘historic speech’ in Cairo – as reported by Western media. The book is concise, and its four basic chapters strive to answer several key questions: What is the future of Islam – reformation or revolution? Are Islam and modernity compatible? How widespread is Islamic fundamentalism and is it a threat to Muslim societies and the West

    The Gift of Qurbani Meat: Ethnological Reflections

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    Članak razmatra dva običaja koja muslimani Bosne i Hercegovine tradicionalno vrše tokom Kurban bajrama. To su, prvo, davanje nešto malo novca, tzv. bajramluka, djeci kao nagradu ili uzvratni dar za to što nose kurbansko meso susjedima, te, kao drugo, davanje ovog mesa susjedima koji nisu muslimani. Ova će tema biti istražena u svjetlu Marcel Maussovog utjecajnog ogleda o daru, budući da se kurban pojavljuje kao dar koji ustanovljuje, obilježava i obnavlja društvene veze ne samo bliskih srodnika, nego i prijatelja i susjeda. U ovom kontekstu ćemo se također susresti i s onim što je Jacques Derrida nazvao aporijom dara. Klanje kurbana je istinski dar, upravo zato što je nemoguć dar. Može se razmatrati kao darivanje bez dara: iako je žrtvovanje nezamislivo bez zaklane životinje, ona ne može biti dar Bogu. Međutim, nakon što je ljudski akt žrtvovanja obavljen, Bog je onaj koji čini dar ljudima - zato što nalaže da žrtvino meso mora biti podijeljeno. Ono onda ne treba biti shvaćeno kao vraćeni dar, nego kao akt Božjeg gostoprimstva, koji ljudima daruje samo mogućnost darivanja darova. Iznesene su tvrdnje da dva bosanska običaja crpe svoj posljednji smisao iz božanskog gostoprimstva koje se živo iskušava u ovom ritualu žrtvovanja.The article considers two customs traditionally followed by Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina during Eid Al-Aḍḥā (‘Festival of Sacrifice’ or Kurban Bayram). These are, first, giving a small amount of money, so-called bayramlık, to children as a reward or gift in return for handing out Qurbani meat to neighbors, and, second, giving the meat to non-Muslims. The topic will be explored in the light of Marcel Mauss’s seminal essay on the gift, since Qurbani appears as a gift that identifies, marks and renews the social bonds not only of close relatives, but also of friends and neighbors. In this context too, we will meet what Jacques Derrida calls the aporia of the gift. The slaughtering of Qurbani animal is a true gift, precisely because it is an impossible gift. It may be considered as a giftless giving: although the sacrifice is unthinkable without the slaughtered animal, it cannot be a gift to God. However, after the human act of sacrifice is performed, it is God Who makes the gift to men - because He commands that the victim’s meat must be shared. It is then to be understood not as a returned gift, but as an act of God’s hospitality, which gives to men the very possibility of gift giving. It is argued that the two Bosnian customs draw their ultimate meaning from the divine hospitality vividly experienced in the ritual of sacrifice

    Religion in a Secular Society: Impediment or Benefit?

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    Autor istražuje iz perspektive zapadnoevropske zemlje, u njegovom slučaju Njemačke, može li se i na koji način religija cijeniti u sekularnom društvu. Historijskim kritikama ukazuje da bismo trebali revidirati svoje navike; kako se (na „Zapadu“) doživljava islam, kako se religije percipiraju izvana, ali i kako religiozni ljudi ponekad lažno predstavljaju nereligiozne. Umjesto toga, on se zalaže za prilagođavanje naših kategorija „mi“ i „ostali“ i udruživanje snaga s onima koji su posvećeni zajedničkom životu protiv onih koji vode kampanju i agitiraju protiv toga, bez obzira na to ko u šta vjeruje. Njegova razmatranja oblikuje situacija u Njemačkoj, ali dovode do zaključaka koji imaju univerzalnu vrijednost.The author investigates from the perspective of a Western European country, in his case Germany, if and how religion(s) can be appreciated in a secular society. With historic reviews he demonstrates that we should revise our accustomed perceptions; how (in the “West”) Islam is perceived, how religions are perceived from outside, but also how the religious sometimes misrepresent the non-religious. Instead, he advocates to adjust our categories of “us” and “the others”, and join forces with those who are committed to living together against those who campaign and agitate against it, notwithstanding who believes in what. His considerations are shaped by the situation in Germany, but they lead to conclusions of universal value

    Muslim Influence on the Legal Reform of King Henry II in England in the XII Century

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    Poduzimanje pravne reforme postaje nužno onda kada pravni sistem ne odgovara na potrebe društva u promijenjenim društvenim okolnostima. Reformu pravnog sistema moguće je provesti na temelju postojećih izvora, unutar pravnog sistema koji se želi reformirati ili putem pozajmljivanja pravnih instituta iz naprednijih pravnih sistema, koji su od ranije poznati. Oživljavanjem funkcije države u Evropi od XI stoljeća sve više vladara poseže za reformom pravnog sistema kao odgovorom na narastajuće probleme s kojima se društvo suočava. Ova reforma započeta je na Siciliji 1140. godine, donošenjem Assize iz Ariana, a nastavljena je u Engleskoj donošenjem više assiza od strane kralja Henryja II. U pokušaju da ukažemo na mogući utjecaj koji se odvijao putem preuzimanja gotovih rješenja iz jedne pravne tradicije u drugu, koristili smo se historijskom i uporednom metodom. Pojedini pravni instituti u okviru ove reforme ukazuju na to da se radilo o pravnim transplantima koje anglosaksonska i normanska pravna tradicija nisu poznavale. Rješenja koja su usvojena ukazuju na sličnosti sa šerijatskom pravnom tradicijom a njihovo prenošenje u engleski pravni sistem moglo je doći posredstvom ljudi koji su bili u službi normanskih vladara na Siciliji (Rogera II) a koji su kasnije ušli u službu engleskog kralja Henryja II.Undertaking legislative reform becomes necessary when the legal system does not respond to the needs of society in changed social circumstances. The reform can be carried out on the basis of existing sources, within the legal system to be reformed, or by borrowing institutions from more advanced systems, which are already known. After the 11th century, following the revival of the function of the state in Europe, more and more rulers resorted to the reform of the legal system, as a response to the growing problems that society was facing. This reform began in Sicily in 1140, with the enactment of Assizes from Ariano and continued in England with the enactment of The Assize of Clarendon ? (1166) by King Henry II. In an attempt to point out the possible influence that took place by taking ready-made solutions from one legal tradition to another, the historical and comparative method is used. Some legal institutions that were part of this reform indicate that these were transplants that the Anglo-Saxon and Norman traditions did not know. The solutions adopted point to similarities with the Sharia legal tradition, and their transposition into the English legal system could have come through people who were in the service of the Norman rulers in Sicily (Roger II) and who later entered the service of King Henry II

    Muhammad Between East and West

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    Na bosanskom jeziku je početkom oktobra, ove godine, objavljen moj prijevod knjige Muhammed poslanik mira usred sukoba imperija, američkog historičara Juana Colea, profesora historije na Univerzitetu Michigan, urednika i pokretača portala Informed Comment, autora znatnog broja studija koje tretiraju historiju i civilizaciju Bliskog Istoka. Kako stoji u uredničkom podnaslovu izdavača, sarajevske izdavačke kuće Kupola, koja je ovu knjigu objavila u sklopu svoje edicije “Stubovi vremena”, radi se o “biografiji Poslanika, a.s., kao vjesnika tolerancije i mira u jeku vizantijsko- perzijskih ratova.”Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed.  The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve

    About Bosniaks, Islam and Socialims

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    Naslijeđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma još je djelotvorno na identitarnu ravan država i naroda sljednika te bivše zajedničke države. Odnos komunističke doktrine i religije, u našem ispitivanom slučaju islama, posebno zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Na marginama iščitavanja dvije recentne knjige o odnosu islama, Bošnjaka i socijalizma nastao je ovaj tekst. On kritički propituje mjesto i ulogu islama i institucije Islamske zajednice u savremenom i nacionalnom i političkom razvoju Bošnjaka s akcentom na recentna društvena zbivanja.The legacy of Yugoslav socialism is still viable in the successor states and the nations of that former common state as a form of identity. The relationship between communist doctrine and religion, specifically Islam, is of particular interest to researchers. This paper was written under the impression of two recent books recognizing the relationship between Islam, Bosniaks and socialism. The author critically questions the place and role of Islam and the institution of the Islamic Community in the contemporary national and political development of Bosniaks, with an emphasis on recent social events

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