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Characteristics of child labor among unaccompanied and separated children in Serbia
No full textZloupotreba dečjeg rada predstavlja jednu od ključnih oblasti gde se grubo krše prava deteta definisana međunarodnim dokumentima i domaćim zakonima. Procenjuje se da je 160 miliona dece u svetu bilo izloženo zloupotrebi dečjeg rada, od čega je 79 miliona dece bilo izloženo opasnom dečjem radu (ILO & UNICEF, 2021). U kontekstu migracija, naročito iregularnih i prisilnih, rizik da deca budu izložena zloupotrebi dečjeg rada je veliki, imajući u vidu da migriranje samo po sebi sadrži sve elemente koji su definisani kao rizici da deca budu izložena ovoj vrsti zloupotrebe: siromaštvo, neredovno pohađanje škole, nezaposlenost roditelja itd.
Posebno ranjivu grupu čine nepraćena i razdvojena deca, a procene su da je tokom 2022. godine njih 39180 podnelo zahteve za azil u 27 EU+ zemalja (Eurostat, 2023). Ove brojeve, treba uzeti sa rezervom, jer veliki broj dece bez pratnje nije podneo zahtev za azil ni u jednoj zemlji, što dodatnopovećava rizik od različitih vidova eksploatacije, uključujući i dečji rad, s obzirom na to da nisu vidljivi sistemima zaštite. Zaštita nepraćene i razdvojene dece od izloženosti dečjem radu nije regulisana posebnim zakonskim odredbama i na njih se primenjuju zakonske odredbe, međunarodne i nacionalne, koje su u ovoj oblasti propisane za domicilnu decu.
Istraživanje je kombinovalo kvantitativne i kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka. Korišćen je upitnik koji je posebno razvijen za potrebe ovog istraživanja. Upitnik je bio namenjen zaposlenima u sistemu zaštite nepraćene i razdvojene dece – iz državnih ustanova i organizacija civilnog društva. Fokus grupe i intervjui rađeni su sa profesionalcima iz sistema socijalne zaštite i sa nepraćenom i razdvojenom decom. U istraživanju je učestvovalo 140 profesionalaca i 44 dece.
Rezultati ukazuju da je značajan udeo nepraćene i razdvojene dece izložen radu na migrantskom putu od zemalja porekla (najčešće Avganistana) do Srbije, te da su mnoga izložena najgorim oblicima dečjeg rada – i to opasnom radu i radu koji podrazumeva vršenje krivičnih dela vezanih za krijumčarenje ljudi i distribuciju prihoaktivnih supstanci. Deca koja putuju zapadnobalkanskom rutom preko Srbije uobičajeno rade na opasnim mašinama, u opasnim okolnostima i u opasnim delatnostima koje sa sobom nose potencijalne rizike i stvarne nepovoljne posledice po zdravlje, moral i blagostanje dece. Deca pokazuju agensnost što se vidi u demonstriranoj kontroli prilikom izbora posla i odluku da prekinu sa poslom onda kada prevazilazi njihove mogućnosti za trpljenje neadekvatnih uslova. Rezilijentnost dece karakteriše motivisanost da se uključe u rad i pokažu sposobnost za zarađivanje, a ta motivacija je usko vezana za odgovornost prema porodici. Njihov “uspeh” je dobit kojom ispunjavanju tu odgovornost, uz pozitivne efekte rada za sebe – sticanje veština za budućnost, nova znanja i sposobnosti. U kontekstu rada dece, izrazito važnu negativnu ulogu imaju evropske politike migracija, ali i politike nacionalnih zemalja tranzita: postojeće politike dodatno guraju decu u opasan rad otežavanjem ili češće onemogućavanjem legalnog zaposlenja, što otvara put poslodavcima da grubo zloupotrebljavaju rad dece.Child labor is one of the key areas where children's rights defined by international documents and domestic laws are grossly violated. It is estimated that 160 million children in the world were exposed to child labor, of which 79 million children were exposed to hazardous child labor (ILO & UNICEF, 2021).
In the context of migration, especially irregular and forced, the risk of children being exposed to child labor is high, bearing in mind that migration itself contains all those elements that are otherwise defined as risks of children being exposed to this type of abuse: poverty, irregular school attendance, parental unemployment, etc. A particularly risky group is unaccompanied and separated children, for whom it is estimated that in 2022, 39,180 of them applied for asylum in EU+ countries (Eurostat, 2023). These numbers, however, should be taken with a grain of salt, as large number of unaccompanied children have not applied for asylum in any country, which puts them at even greater risk of various forms of exploitation, including child labor, given that they are not visible to protection systems. The protection of unaccompanied and separated children from child labor is not covered by special legal provisions, international or national, but falls under the regulation for domicile children.
The research combined quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. A questionnaire was used, which was specially developed for the needs of this research, and which was filled out by professionals. The questionnaire was intended for all employees in the system of protection of unaccompanied and separated children - from state institutions and civil society organizations. Focus groups and interviews were conducted with professionals from the social welfare system and with unaccompanied and separated children. In total, 140 professionals and 44 children participated in the research. The results indicate that a significant number of unaccompanied and separated children are exposed to work on the migrant route from the countries of origin (most often Afghanistan) to Serbia, and that they are exposed to the worst forms of child labor - namely dangerous work and work that involves the commission of criminal acts related to smuggling and distribution of prichoactive substances. Children who travel the Balkan route through Serbia usually work on dangerous machines, in dangerous circumstances and in dangerous activities that carry with them potential risks and real consequences for the health, morale and well-being of children. Children show agency, which can be seen in the demonstrated control when choosing a job and the decision to stop working when it exceeds their capacity to endure inadequate conditions. Resilience of children is characterized by motivation to engage in work and demonstrate the ability to earn, and this motivation is closely related to responsibility towards the family. Their "success" is the profit by which they fulfill that responsibility, along with the positive effects of working for themselves - acquiring skills for the future, new knowledge and abilities. In the context of child labor, the European migration policies, but also the policies of the national transit countries, play an extremely important negative role: existing policies additionally push children into dangerous work by making it difficult or more often impossible to get legal employment, which opens the way for employers to grossly abuse child labor
New European Union Strategy for Natural Gas Storage
No full textСкладиштење природног гаса одувек је представљало значајну делатност у
погледу обезбеђивања континуираног и стабилног снабдевања природним
гасом Иако се у већини дефиниција енергетске безбедности не наводи ек-
сплицитно и складиштење енергије као једна од њених компонената, није
тешко закључити колико су складишта важна за одржавање стабилности
целокупног енергетског система Складиштење природног гаса је важан
инструмент флексибилности који омогућава добру снабдевеност у случају
изразито велике потражње за природним гасом и у случају поремећаја у
снабдевању природним гасом Са почетком оружаног сукоба у Украјини,
један од непосредних одговора Европске уније било је увођење обавезног
процента попуњености складишта природног гаса до почетка грејне сезоне
То се одразило и кроз измену Уредбе бр 2017/1938 о мерама сигурности
снабдевања природним гасом, где су уведене додатне одредбе које се односе
на складиштење природног гаса Поред прописаног нивоа попуњености
складишта природног гаса, уведена је и обавеза сертификације оператора
складишта природног гаса, како би се гарантовало да рад оператора неће
угрозити сигурност снабдевања Европске уније и њених чланица Циљ рад
јесте да се анализира приступ Европске уније складиштењу природног гаса пре од 2021 године, када је дошло до драматичног раста цена енергије, што
се наставило и интензивирало са оружаним сукобом у Украјини.Natural gas storage plays a pivotal role in ensuring a continuous and stable sup-
ply of natural gas While conventional definitions of energy security may not
explicitly enumerate energy storage as a key component, it is evident that storage
is crucial for maintaining the stability of the entire energy system As a critical
instrument of flexibility, natural gas storage facilitates a reliable supply during
periods of exceptionally high demand or disruptions in supply The onset of the
armed conflict in Ukraine prompted an immediate response from the European
Union, which mandated a minimum percentage of natural gas storage capacity
to be in place before the commencement of the heating season This response
was formalized through an amendment to Regulation No 2017/1938 on natural
gas supply security measures, which introduced additional provisions related to
natural gas storage These provisions not only established mandatory occupancy
levels for storage facilities but also imposed certification requirements for natural
gas storage operators Such measures were designed to ensure that operators'
activities would not compromise the security of supply to the European Union
and its member states The objective of this paper is to examine the European
Union’s approach to natural gas storage prior to 2021, with a particular focus on
the period marked by the dramatic increase in energy prices that was exacerbated
by the armed conflict in Ukraine
Contribution to the debate on the nature of the EU political system: The European Union as a consensus democracy
No full textU radu se razmatra priroda Evropske unije kao političkog sistema konsenzualnog tipa koristeći se teorijskim modelom Arenda Lajpharta (Arendt Lijphart). Autorka tvrdi da je na Lajphartovoj skali između većinske i konsenzus demokratije Evropska unija bliža ovoj drugoj. Kao složena, hibridna, nedovršena politička zajednica, Evropska unija se izučavala unutar različitih disciplina (međunarodnih odnosa, prava i studija međunarodnih organizacija, političkih nauka, sociologije…) i različitih teorijskih pristupa (racionalističkog, konstruktivističkog, realističkog, (neo)funkcionalističkog…). Oni su na različite načine objašnjavali njenu prirodu i opisivali različite aspekte njenog delovanja. Jednom kada je izašla iz nedovoljnog okvira međunaro- dne tvorevine ili organizacije, i kada je postalo jasno da se EU može posmatrati kao politički sistem, otvoreno je i pitanje demokratije unutar njega. Predlozi za rešavanje primećenog demokratskog deficita bili su različiti, ali mahom po ugledu na demokratije u nacionalnim državama, pa i one većinske/vestminsterske. Nasuprot tome, i uzimajući u obzir sve specifičnosti Evropske unije, autorka najpre detaljno analizira i primenjuje sve elemente Lajphartovog modela konsenzualne demokratije na EU. U tekstu se objašnjava zašto je ovakvo razumevanje EU superiorno u odnosu na konkurentske pristupe ne samo za ocenu stvarne veličine demokratskog deficita, nego i za moguće recepte za njegovo prevazilaženje.The paper examines the nature of the European Union as a consensus-based
political system using Arend Lijphart’s theoretical model. The author claims that on Lijphart’s scale between majority and consensus democracy,
the European Union is closer to the latter. As a complex, hybrid, unfinished
political community, the European Union has been studied within different
disciplines (international relations, law and studies of international organizations,
political science, sociology...) and different theoretical approaches
(rationalist, constructivist, realist, (neo)functionalist...). They explained its
nature in different ways and described different aspects of its action. Once it
got rid of the insufficient framework of an international entity/organization,
and when it became clear that the EU could be seen as a political system,
the question of democracy within it was also opened. The proposals for solving
the observed democratic deficit were different but mostly based on the
nation-state experiences of democracy, including the majority/Westminster
democracies. In contrast and taking into account all the specificities of the
European Union, the author first analyses in detail and applies all the elements
of Lijphart’s model of consensus democracy to the EU. The text explains
why this understanding of the EU is superior to competing approaches,
not only for assessing the real size of the democratic deficit but also for possible
recipes for overcoming it
Integrative Forms of Cross-Border Cooperation between Municipalities and Cities: Achievements in EU Countries and Potential for Application in the Western Balkans
No full textCross-border cooperation between cities and municipalities has been intensively developing over the past few decades among European countries, facilitating the daily lives of citizens in border regions. It contributes to the enhancement of public service quality in border areas and can serve as a catalyst for local and regional sustainable development. Furthermore, cross-border cooperation, as an instrument for building amicable neighborly relations, possesses significant peacekeeping and stabilizing potential. Europe, and particularly the countries of the European Union, represents a true laboratory of diverse forms of cross-border cooperation. However, the focus of this paper will be on the most institutionally developed form of cross-border cooperation between municipalities and cities—namely, integrative cooperation in accordance with the Regulation (EC) on a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) from 2006. Under this Regulation, cross-border local authorities have considerable autonomy in creating crossborder entities that possess legal personality and a comprehensive governance system (assembly, executive authority, own administration, and budget). As of 2024, there are 89 such entities within the EU. This paper will present several typical cases in which areas that were once contentious and politically conflicted have gradually transformed into regions of cooperation, amicable neighborly relations, and mutual trust. This form of cross-border cooperation has not yet been implemented in the Western Balkan countries. The central question of this paper is whether the EGTC cooperation model could be implemented between the Western Balkan states, and whether this could contribute to the establishment of lasting peace and stability in the region
Demokratija: od teorije do prakse
Full text linkKoje se navike i kompetencije traže od građana u demokratskim društvima? Da li se demokratsko građanstvo znatno razlikuje od drugih oblika građanstva? Ako ljudi nisu prirodno naklonjeni demokratskim principima, kako oni mogu dovoljno da se razviju da bi demokratska društva preživela? Ovo su neka od pitanja koja su usmeravala rad na ovom tekstu. Cilj ovog teksta i kursa, Demokratija: od teorije do prakse, jeste da pomogne studentima na univerzitetu da unapređuju demokratske principe i prakse u našem društvu i da iskoriste prednosti koje ovaj sistem donosi zajednici i pojedincima
Nature in Mabel Stobart's War Narrative from Ecocritical Perspective
No full textRatni sukobi ne uzimaju danak samo u ljudskim žrtvama, još jedna žrtva sve bezglasno gubi na njihovom krvavom oltaru. Ta žrtva je priroda; celokupan biljni i životinjski svet, prirodni resursi, zdrava životna sredina. Ovi gubici često se zanemaruju ili previde u borbi za teritorije i nadmoć jedne grupe ljudi nad svojim protivnikom, drugom grupom ljudi. Kao rezultat, i pobednička se strana po okončanju sukoba suočava sa dalekosežnim posledicama po životnu sredinu, biljni i životinjski svet. Pišući o svojim iskustvima iz Prvog svetskog rata tokom boravka na teritoriji Srbije u okviru humanitarne misije žena Britanije, Mejbel Sinkler Stobart [Mable St. Clair Stobart] sagledala je gubitke ne samo na nivou ljudstva već i na ekološkom nivou, uočivši da se u ratovima za opstanak ne bore samo ljudi već i druga živa bića, pa i priroda sama. Narativ autorke Stobart prati promene u prirodi koje su odraz čovekovog menjanja sebe u kontekstu rata. U ovom radu analiziraćemo segmente iz Stobartina dela Plameni mač u Srbiji i drugde (1916) koji su po svojoj tematici ekokritički. Njezina je knjiga višeslojna i predstavlja antiratni apel, istoriju
ženskog ratnog aktivizma, političko-društveno-ekonomsko svedočanstvo iz Prvog svetskog rata, istovremeno nudeći čitaocima perspektivu zaljubljenika u prirodu koji beleži posledice ratnih aktivnosti čoveka po živi svet.In addition to human suffering, every war conflict takes its toll on yet another victim. That sacrifice is silently made by nature: the entire flora and fauna, natural resources, healthy environment. These losses are often neglected or overlooked in the struggle for territories and the supremacy of one group of people over their opponent, another group of people. As a result, the victorious side also faces far-reaching consequences that affect the entire environment after the end of the conflict. Writing about her experiences from the First World War, during her voluntary activities on the territory of Serbia within the humanitarian mission of British women, Mabel Sinclair Stobart comprehends the losses of both the humans and the entire ecology, noting that in wars survival is at stake for people and other living beings alike, even for nature itself. The author's narrative follows the changes in nature that are a reflection of changes in human nature in the context of war. In this paper, we will analyze segments from The Flaming Sword in Serbia and Elsewhere (1916) by
Mabel Stobart which are ecocritical in their subject matter. Stobart's book is multi-layered, representing an anti-war appeal, the history of women's war activism, political-socio-economic testimony from the First World War, while
offering readers the perspective of a nature lover who records the consequences of war activities on the living world
Legitimacy and Instrumentalization: Assessing Serbia’s EU Membership Goal
No full textThe paper discusses the internal input legitimacy of Serbia’s interest in becoming an EU member
state through the lens of the democratic/normative theory and the presumption that foreign policymaking
in a liberal democratic state should be embedded in a national consensus or consent to
essential national priorities. Despite raising the EU membership goal to the level of national
interest, a notable elites/masses attitude gap towards the issue exists. While Serbian elites have
been officially pursuing the goal of EU membership, public opinion has become growingly
disenchanted with the idea. The EU’s approach towards Serbia’s foreign policy priorities,
including preserving territorial integrity and maintaining good relations with Russia, has
undermined the legitimacy of the EU membership goal among Serbian citizens, fueling
Euroscepticism. However, the government’s instrumental and manipulative use of the EU
integration issue has further contributed to citizens’ skepticism and the disconnection from
Serbia’s EU integration policy-making. To gain Western support and avoid potential criticism, the
Serbian government has taken a declarative pro-EU stance while failing to make the necessary
reforms. As a result, the goal of EU membership has become a scapegoat for the government’s
insincere and pragmatic approach towards the EU. Although Euroscepticism may not be longlasting
or deeply ingrained, it has allowed the government to avoid substantial reforms, especially
in key areas (the “fundamentals”). The paper concludes that the lack of support for Serbia’s goal
of EU accession, resulting from the absence of a thorough public deliberation on the matter, also
affects the external perception of the Serbian EU integration goal. The insincere policy towards
the EU and the lack of compliance with the EU conditions make the Serbian EU membership claim
illegitimate externally, i.e., in the eyes of the EU and (at least some of) its member states
Političke ideologije : od istine do tiranije
No full textŽivimo li u svetu bez političkih ideologija, gde se političko beznađe reflektuje krizom verovanja u partije, lidere, javne politike vlade i na kraju, same zakone? Kriza istine je karakteristika vremena u kojem živimo. Do pre samo nekoliko decenija, sve do pada Berlinskog zida, politički odnosi i orijentacije bili su značajno čvršći. Danas, toga kao da više nema. Uspešne političke kampanje, koje često sadrže reči poput „nada“, „vera“, „promena“, obećavaju budućnost u kojoj ponovo ima oslonca.
Knjiga Političke ideologije pisana je kao pokušaj da se ponudi teorijski put iz krize. Analitičkom metodom, Bojan Vranić preispituje ideju da je ideologija iluzija koja opija mase kao nova sekularna religija. Umesto toga, postavlja se pitanje da li i kako ideologije oblikuju saznanje? Da li se ideologijama može reći nešto važno o svetu u kojem živimo? Da li je za politiku istina nužno važna ili postoje druge vrednosti, poput korisnog i upotrebnog, koje nam otvaraju drugačije svetove i političke scenarije? Podeljena na tri dela, knjiga nudi inovativan analitički okvir za razumevanje ideološkog postupanja. Čitalac dobija u ruke alat kojim može da protumači postupke političkih aktera
