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Content analysis in political analytics
No full textАнализа садржаја докумената је главна метода прикупљања
и обраде података у политичкој аналитици. Циљ овог рада су поступци
у аналитичком проучавању исказа, у које убрајамо утврђивање садржаја
документа, категорија анализе и кодирање садржаја. С тим у вези, у раду
се разматра оцена поузданости извора и оцена података, као и њихових
категорија, затим утврђивање значења и вредновање исказа. Након тога
следе утврђивање валидности, анализирање, закључивање и извештавање.
Иако анализа садржаја докумената може омогућити истинитост,
поузданост и валидност података у политичкој аналитици, указаћемо на
проблеме формирања ставова и закључака, као и на поузданост закључака.Content analysis is the main method of data collection and processing
in political analytics. The aim of this work is the procedures in the analytical study
of statements, which include determining the content of the document, categories
of analysis and coding of the content. In this regard, the paper discusses the
assessment of the reliability of the sources and the evaluation of the data, as well
as their categories, then determining the meaning and evaluating the statements.
This is followed by validation, analysis, conclusion and reporting.
Although the content analysis of documents can enable the truthfulness,
reliability and validity of data in political analytics, we will point out the problems
of forming opinions and conclusions, as well as the reliability of conclusions
Sovereignty in Cyberspace: The Case of Serbia Between 'Digital Authoritarianism' and 'Internet Freedom'
No full textWhen discussing internet sovereignty, the literature in International Relations predominantly focuses on the differences between the two primary models of internet governance experienced to date. On the one hand, there are claims about 'digital authoritarianism' or 'cyber Westphalianism' as applied and advocated by China and Russia. This model is exemplified by technical surveillance of own populations, legal and regulatory measures, and insistence on international agreements that would affirm the Cyber Westphalian ideal. On the other hand, 'Internet Freedom' is primarily associated with the concept of a globalized, but US-led Internet based on the 'philosophy of neutrality' and market regulation of peoples' needs and interactions. However, the difference between the two models is often not so clear-cut. 'Internet Freedom' is increasingly becoming a euphemism for a different path towards 'cyber Westphalianism', where states and the 'Big Tech' seek to assert control over free speech and market competition. State actors aim to increase sovereignty, or autonomy in governing their subjects by eliminating potential foreign and domestic influences and intermediaries. The research question I address in this study is: What strategies Serbia, which tentatively aligns with the 'Internet Freedom' camp, employ to enhance digital sovereignty? Using publicly available evidence, I argue that Serbian governing entities are using 'astroturfing', a common strategy of information manipulation, to subvert any foreign or domestic authority other than the ruling party. The consequence of employing such a strategy is the equalization of national interest with particularistic party interests. This increases the short-term authority of the ruling party while also exacerbating the already high levels of political polarization in Serbia. The paper aims to contribute to the policy debate that seeks to redefine national interest in the digital space
Exercising the right to justice in the Gaza conflict using the mechanisms of the International Court of Justice: The case of South Africa v. Israel
No full textSedmog oktobra 2023. godine je Hamas izvršio napad na teritoriji Izraela. Ubijen je veliki broj civila, a preko 250 njih su uzeti kao taoci. Usledio je odgovor Izraela koji je na teritoriji Gaze doveo do potpune humanitarne katastrofe sa nesagledivim posledicama. U ovom radu se istražuje tužba koju je Južnoafrička Republika podnela protiv Izraela pred Međunarodnim sudom pravde povodom navodnog kršenja Konvencije o sprečavanju i kažnjavanju zločina genocida. U skladu sa tim, u radu se obrađuje sadržaj pomenute tužbe i zahteva za određivanjem privremenih mera. Zatim se kritički analizira Odluka Suda o privremenim merama, naročito u pogledu zahteva Južnoafričke Republike da Sud naloži prekid vojnih operacija i primirje na teritoriji Gaze. Na kraju rada se ocenjuje i značaj ovog postupka za ostvarivanje prava na pravdu u kontekstu globalne politike. Osnovni argument rada je da tužba Južnoafričke Republike protiv Izraela predstavlja veoma važan korak u pogledu daljeg korišćenja mehanizama Međunarodnog suda pravde za ostvarivanje pravde u međunarodnom sistemu, iako se u radu navode i određena ograničenja ovih mehanizama.On October 7, 2023, Hamas attacked Israeli territory. A large number of civilians were killed, and more than 250 were taken hostage. This was followed by Israel’s response, which led to a complete humanitarian catastrophe in the territory of Gaza with incalculable consequences. This paper examines a lawsuit filed by South Africa against Israel before the International Court of Justice for alleged violation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Accordingly, the paper deals with the content of the lawsuit mentioned above and the request to determine provisional measures. The Court’s decision on provisional measures is then critically assessed, in particular about South Africa’s request for the Court to order the cessation of military operations and a ceasefire in the territory of Gaza. At the end of the paper, the importance of this procedure for the realization of the right to justice in the context of global politics is assessed. The main argument of the paper is that South Africa’s lawsuit against Israel is a significant step in terms of the further use of mechanisms of the International Court of Justice for administering justice in the international system, although the paper also mentions certain limitations of these mechanisms
Local and Regional Self-Government in Montenegro
No full textThe chapter provides an analysis of the evolution and current characteristics of the local self-government system in Montenegro, tracing its institutional legacy from the era of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) to contemporary legal frameworks. Following the dissolution of Yugoslavia and Montenegro’s independence in 2006, the country has maintained a homogeneous system of local self-government with a single tier of authority, where municipalities serve as the basic units of local governance. The modern institutional framework for local self-government in Montenegro is based on the 2007 Constitution, which guarantees the right to local self-government and defines the municipality as the fundamental form. Although the Constitution allows for the establishment of other (higher) forms of local self-government, subsequent laws have confirmed the system as single-tier. In practice, local self-governments in Montenegro often lack sufficient financial resources, and there is a tendency for central authorities to maintain control over local units. The issue of regionalization is not a priority for official authorities nor political parties, and regional policy is largely limited to regional development strategies adopted by central government. The term “regionalization” is typically associated with balanced regional development rather than the formation of regional self-government. The Law on Regional Development defines planning regions but lacks provisions for regional institutions or development strategies, centralizing the regional development policy. Montenegro’s political parties show limited interest in regional decentralization, focusing instead on strengthening municipalities and fostering inter-municipal cooperation as tools for democratization and addressing regional disparities. The conclusion is that, despite constitutional provisions allowing for the introduction of higher levels of local self-government, real changes are likely to manifest through the strengthening of municipalities and enhanced inter-municipal cooperation. Montenegro is a small country with relatively large municipalities, but significant diversification that requires specific regional approaches to public problem-solving
Flux of the professional standards: objectivity, advocacy journalism and paradigm repair
No full textGledajući medijske sadržaje, naročito od početka rata u Ukrajini 2022.
godine, a zatim i kroz sukobe koji su usledili potom, iznova se potvrđuje da su osnovna
novinarska načela zarobljena u političkim i ekonomskim agendama, dok su diktirane
agende postale medijski ram u okviru koga se isključivo razmišlja. Javna mnjenja
zarobljena su postojećim agendama sa svoje strane medijske gvozdene zavese, a mediji
su postali zarobljeni (media capture) ne samo pojedinačnim političkim i ekonomskim
interesima vlade ili vlasnika, već neophodnom globalnom slikom sveta kojoj data
vlada pripada. Od novinara kao da se ne očekuje da budu objektivni, već da budu
angažovani, da potpiruju ideološke matrice i ne postavljaju pitanja o sopstvenim poli
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tikama učvršćujući tvrđavu ideološkog ekstremizma na kojoj mediji i njihovi vlasnici
sede. Stoga će ovaj teorijski rad posmatrati izmene u novinarskoj profesiji postavljajući
pitanje objektivnosti u kontekstu korigujuće paradigme; pokušaće da ustanovi da li su
novinarskoj profesiji neophodna nova definisanja ili ona može da egzistira u svom tradi
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cionalnom profesionalnom okviru, a zatim će pokušati da ispita da li je proces medijskog
zarobljavanja zapravo legitimizacija postojećeg stanja ili je to propagandni kontekst
epohe sa kojim profesionalno novinarstvo ima način da se izbori.Looking at media content, especially since the beginning of the war
in Ukraine in 2022 and the subsequent conflicts, it is repeatedly confirmed that basic
journalistic principles are entangled in political and economic agendas. Media-dicta
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ted agendas have become the framework within which thinking is constrained. Public
opinions are confined within existing agendas, further restricted by new media iron
curtain. The media, captured not only by individual political and economic interests
of the government or owners but also by the necessary global worldview to which the
government belongs, are restrained. Journalists seem to be expected not to be objective
but engaged, fueling ideological frameworks and refraining from questioning their own
policies, thus reinforcing the fortress of ideological extremism where media and their
owners sit. Therefore, this theoretical work will examine changes in the journalistic pro
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fession by questioning objectivity in the context of a paradigm repair. It will attempt to
establish whether the journalistic profession requires new definitions or can exist within
its traditional professional framework. Additionally, it will try to determine whether the
process of media capture is a legitimization of the existing state or a propaganda context
of the era that professional journalism can address
The grand strategy of the United States - is it time for offshore balanicing?
No full textU vremenu kada unipolarni trenutak počinje da jenjava, a svet multipolarnosti nadolazi, odvijaju se akademske debate o budućoj velikoj strategiji Sjedinjenih Država. Cilj ovog rada je da pruži doprinos toj debati kroz analizu uravnotežavanja s obale (offshore balancing), predloga velike strategije koji dolazi iz neorealističkog akademskog tabora. Ključno istraživačko pitanje na koje ovaj članak odgovara jeste – da li je uravnotežavanje s obale danas najpodesnija strategija za ostvarivanje vitalnih nacionalnih interesa Sjedinjenih Država (SAD)? Uzimajući moguću primenu ove strategije u Persijskom zalivu kao studiju slučaja – jednom od tri ključna regiona za nacionalne interese SAD – pokazaću da nije sazrelo vreme za strategiju uravnotežavanja s obale i da pati od sličnih manjkavosti kao i trenutna strategija dubokog angažovanja: prvo, povremeno ignoriše lekcije iz istorije i činjenice iz sadašnjosti; drugo, zanemaruje opasnosti vakuuma moći i izmenjeni strateški kontekst koji bi nastao američkim povlačenjem; treće, preterano se uzda u saveze u čiju delotvornost i sami realisti poslovično sumnjaju i četvrto, zanemaruje činjenicu da u XXI veku dobijaju na značaju asimetrične pretnje na koje je teško brzo i efikasno odgovoriti. Na kraju, iznosim tvrdnju da će uravnotežavanje iz daljine verovatno biti velika strategija SAD-a 2050. godine, ali da će do tada primat imati strategija selektivnog angažovanja.As the unipolar moment wanes and the world approaches multipolarity, academic debates are intensifying about the future grand strategy of the United States. This paper contributes to that debate by analysing offshore balancing, a grand strategy proposal from the neorealist academic camp. The key research question addressed is whether offshore balancing is the most appropriate strategy for pursuing the vital national interests of the United States today. Using the Persian Gulf, one of three key regions for US national interests, as a case study, this paper argues that the time is not ripe for offshore balancing. This strategy shares similar shortcomings with the current deep engagement strategy: it occasionally ignores historical lessons and present realities; it overlooks the dangers of a power vacuum and the changed strategic context resulting from an American withdrawal; it places excessive trust in alliances whose effectiveness is often doubted even by realists; and it fails to account for the emergence of asymmetric threats in the 21st century, which are difficult to address quickly and effectively. Finally, the paper contends that, while offshore balancing may become the US’s grand strategy by 2050, selective engagement will likely take precedence until then
Local Turn in Knowledge Production About Post-Conflict Societies: The Case of the Balkan Peace Index
No full textThe notion that peace can be measured has been heavily criticised in
peace and conflict studies. The critique has even produced an
alternative approach based on local voices and participatory
methods, where peace is understood as a subjective category. Still,
alternatives have not been successful in translating contextual
knowledge into meaningful policies. By relying on the ‘local turn’
and the Balkan Peace Index, the article tries to answer whether the
contextual knowledge of local researchers could be used in
producing an index that is policy-relevant yet still grounded in
local realities of countries where the measurement is taking place
Systematic Review of Trauma-Informed Approaches and Trauma-Informed Care for Forced Migrant Families: Concepts and Contexts
No full textIn the past decade, there has been a significant increase in the forced migrant and refugee population in Europe. As the
journey to arrive at the country of destination is mostly irregular, research has shown that forced migrants survive a
number of traumatic experiences trying to reach safety and ensure the well-being of themselves and their families. Since
research shows that exposure to traumatic experiences refugee and migrant families endure on their journey is severe, a
systematic literature review was conducted to understand the concept of trauma-informed approaches for migrant and
refugee families. A total of seven research databases have been a part of this study, and the search resulted in 45 papers that
were analyzed and their results presented. The following inclusion criteria were considered: (a) migrant/refugee families living
with their children and (b) migrant/refugee families approaching care (health, social, educational, legal). Inclusion criteria refer
to phenomenological studies, consider trauma/resilience of migrant/refugee families, include studies that are published in
English language only; published literature only; 2013 onwards, and only full-text studies. The results of this analysis imply that
papers are more focused on the experiences of trauma than on the approaches to treat it. However, this analysis did result
in identifying approaches, interventions, and tools in working with trauma refugee and migrant families. Trauma-informed
approaches for forced migrant families require a culturally adapted response provided across all sectors of family support to
refugees and migrants
Serbia and the Western Balkans Confronted with Wars on the Edges of Europe and the Mediterranean
No full textThe contemporary geographical, geopolitical, and international positioning
of the Republic of Serbia and other Western Balkan states underscores the fact
that this group of countries is entirely encircled by states already members of
the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. In this regard,
the author analyses the extent to which the war in Ukraine as a consequence
of Russian aggression (since February 2022) as well as the conflict between
Israel and radical Islamist groups Hamas (October 2023), i.e., the ensuing
instability within the broader “ring” of the European and Mediterranean
surroundings, may impact the position of Serbia and other Western Balkan
countries. Special attention is also dedicated to internal crises in the Western
Balkans, ranging from the issue of the frequently announced secession of
one of the two entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Republic of Srpska)
to potential new, not only political, conflicts between Belgrade and Pristina.
Additionally, the author will highlight the internal political instabilities in
Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Albania, all of which are NATO members
but still significantly distant from European Union membership. The author
will attempt to shed light on different perceptions of Serbia’s and other
Western Balkan countries’ positions in the context of (in)directly announced
EU expansions at the beginning of the next decade and the continuation of
NATO’s open-door policy. All of this will be analysed within the framework of the most significant global and European changes since the post-Cold War
era, as well as a certain form of internal consolidation of the “European Union
project” and a renewed strengthening of NATO’s role. Simultaneously, the
author also explores the policies of the European Union and NATO towards
Serbia and the Western Balkans in general, attempting to ascertain whether
they will succeed in finding a formula for additional pacification, as well as
the security and democratic consolidation of the Western Balkans, in a very
challenging international moment and, most importantly, in an enormously
complex broader European and Mediterranean environment
The importance of intercultural communication and intercultural competence for functioning of business organizations
No full textCilj rada predstavlja utvrđivanje uticaja kulturne raznolikosti i (ne)uspešne
interkulturalne komunikacije na učinak radnih organizacija. Pošlo se od
ideje da su uspešna interkulturalna komunikacija i razvijena interkulturalna kompetentnost
zaposlenih nužne za uspešno funkcionisanje radnih organizacija u savremenom
svetu. Predmet analize bile su situacije u kojima dolazi do prekida u
interkulturalnoj komunikaciji, kao i sukobi među zaposlenima koji iz tih prekida
proizilaze i negativno se odražavaju na učinak cele organizacije. Rezultati pokazuju
da kulturna raznolikost u okviru radnih organizacija može prouzrokovati brojne
sukobe i lošije poslovanje organizacije, ali da razvijanje interkulturalne kompetentnosti
i uspešna interkulturalna komunikacija članstva to sprečavaju. Kada
zaposleni poseduju adekvatna znanja i veštine interkulturalne komunikacije,
kulturno heterogene radne organizacije funkcionišu bolje od kulturno homogenih.
Neke od prednosti ogledaju se u privlačenju i zadržavanju najtalentovanijih
zaposlenih, mogućnosti dopiranja do raznolike klijentele globalnog tržišta, veće
fleksibilnosti i samim tim boljem prilagođavanju promenama u okruženju. Takođe,
kulturna raznolikost doprinosi većoj kreativnosti, boljem rešavanju problema
i donošenju kvalitetnijih grupnih odluka usled usvajanja mnogostrukih perspektiva,
kao i manjoj fluktuaciji zaposlenih usled većeg zadovoljstva poslom. Imajući
u vidu pobrojane prednosti, u radu su ponuđene izvesne smernice za razvijanje
interkulturalne kompetentnosti zaposlenih.The paper aims to assess the impact of cultural diversity and (un)successful intercultural communication on performance within business organizations. The main assumption was that successful intercultural communication and developed intercultural competence of employees are necessary for the successful functioning of business organizations in the contemporary world. The subject of analysis were situations when intercultural communication is interrupted resulting in conflicts among employees, thus having a negative effect on the performance of the entire organization. The results show that cultural diversity within business organizations can cause numerous problems and conflicts, but the development of intercultural competence and successful intercultural communication prevent them. With adequate knowledge and skills in intercultural communication, culturally heterogeneous organizations function better than culturally homogeneous ones. Some of the advantages are reflected in the attraction and retention of the most talented employees, the ability to reach a diverse clientele of the global market, greater flexibility and therefore better adaptation to changes in the environment. Furthermore, cultural diversity offers greater creativity, better problem-solving and better decision-making due to acknowledgment of multiple perspectives, as well as less employee turnover due to greater job satisfaction. Bearing in mind the listed benefits, the paper offers certain guidelines for developing the intercultural competence of employees