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    Žensko lice desnice - studija slučaja Srpskog pokreta Dveri

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    The end of the 20th century was marked by the change in epochal consciousness which also implied the change in understanding of political options of the left and right spectrum. In the context of modern Serbian society, which was built on the heritage of civil wars as well as capitalist transformation, right-wing extremism became a legitimate political option. The aim of this paper is to analyze the woman's place narrative from the perspective of the Serbian movement Dveri, the only parliamentary right-wing political party which dedicated a significant part of its political agenda to the woman question. With the analysis of a woman's place narrative, I will try to point out how the rhetoric of right-wing political parties co-opts feminist politics with a goal to attract as many potential voters as possible, while transforming the traditional Right into Right with female face.Kraj dvadesetog veka obeležila je promena epohalne svesti koja je, između ostalog, podrazumevala i promenu shvatanja političkih opcija levog i desnog spektra. U kontekstu savremenog srpskog društva koje je formirano na nasleđu građanskih ratova podjednako kao i na kapitalističkoj transformaciji, desni ekstremizam postaje legitimna politička opcija. Cilj ovog rada je da istraži narativ o mestu žene iz perspektive Srpskog pokreta Dveri, jedine parlamentarne desne stranke koja je značajan deo svoje političke agende posvetila ženskom pitanju. Analizom narativa o mestu žene pokušaću da ukažem na to kako se retorika desnih političkih partija menja, kooptirajući feminističke politike u cilju privlačenja što većeg broja potencijalnih glasača, pri čemu tradicionalno shvaćena desnica postaje desnica sa ženskim licem

    Zaštita konkurencije kod prekograničnih spajanja društava kapitala

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    International business transaction over frontier merger of capital association is realization of status linking with a foreign element in a subject, consequent to what its carries out by linking more law systems. Over frontier merger produces direct and indirect legal consequences. In the first concentric circle, its effects directly influence to interests of various categories of subjects, minority owners of shares or portions of creditors end employed in an association, which is a participant of transaction. In the second circle, resultant of business concentration is transposed in a border market ambient. The business transaction cannot be realized if a governmental body competent for competition protection of at least one state, which national attachment an economy association has got, a participant appraises to present a danger to effective market competition. Topic of this Paper is analysis of anti competition risk which appears to be realized by carrying out over frontier merging association of capital associations, in view of solution, which is expected in a domestic ambient, which adoption of the Law of amendments and additions of Law of economic associations in the year of 2018.Međunarodna poslovna transakcija prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala predstavlja vid statusnog povezivanja sa elementom inostranosti u subjektu, konsekventno čemu se njeno sprovođenje ostvaruje povezivanjem više nacionalnih pravnih sistema. Prekogranično spajanje proizvodi direktne i indirektne pravne posledice. U prvom koncentričnom krugu, njegovi efekti neposredno utiču na interese različitih kategorija subjekata: manjinskih vlasnika akcija ili udela, poverilaca i zaposlenih u društvu koje je učesnik transakcije. U drugom krugu, rezultante statusne poslovne koncentracije se transponuju u širi tržišni ambijent. Poslovna transakcija ne može biti sprovedena ukoliko organ nadležan za zaštitu konkurencije bar jedne države čiju nacionalnu pripadnost ima privredno društvo učesnik oceni da predstavlja pretnju efektivnoj tržišnoj konkurenciji. Tema ovog rada jeste analiza anti-konkurencijskog rizika koji nastaje sprovođenjem prekograničnog spajanja društava kapitala, u svetlu rešenja koja se očekuju u domaćem legislativnom ambijentu nakon usvajanja Zakona o izmenama i dopunama zakona o privrednim društvima 2018. godine

    Eleftherios Venizelos, British Public Opinion and the Climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915–1920)

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    Novinarsko pripovedanje kao element javnog diskursa u informativnim žanrovima sa nacionalnom frekvencijom

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    The subject of research in this doctoral dissertation is journalistic storytelling in news genres on television in Serbia. Journalistic storytelling is the process of communicating media content with narrative methods. In this paper, journalistic narrative is defined as a non-fictitious romanticized journalistic discourse – it is not fiction because it communicates information about the real world, without pretending to present them as imaginary or falsly created or subjective. It is romanticized because it emphasizes human, emotional, individual destinies. Journalistic narrative is an element of public discourse, because it is not only a part of a new process of content creation or stylistic innovation, but rather a new structural place within the contemporary reality of Serbia. Changing the genre structure of media content is not only the hybridization of existing journalistic genres or their variations, so the theory of journalistic genres is not sufficient to explain this topic; narrative is also explained through narratology and theory of literature. For full insight in journalistic narratives, this topic achieved a higher scientific reach with analyzing journalistic narrative as an element of public discourse – which is why special attention is paid to the stucturalistic and poststructuralist interpretations of discourse. In addition to the theoretical definition of the term, this paper presents the results of a case study. Analysis of content and analysis of interviews with editors in chief of news programs of television with national frequency were conducted. Journalistic narrative is the result of wider social changes and adaptation of Serbian society to neoliberal models. Journalistic storytelling is yet to develop its full capacities in public discourse.Predmet istraživanja u ovoj doktorskoj disertaciji jeste novinarsko pripovedanje u informativnim žanrovima na televizijama u Srbiji. Novinarsko pripovedanje jeste postupak saopštavanja medijskih sadržaja narativnim metodama. U radu je novinarsko pripovedanje definisano kao nefiktivni romantizovani novinarski diskurs – nefiktivni je jer saopštava informacije o stvarnom svetu, bez pretenzija da neku od njih predstavi kao zamišljenu ili stvorenu ili subjektivnu, već je pripovedana stvarnost. Romantizovani je jer se akcentuje ljudsko, emotivno, pojedinačna sudbina. Novinarsko pripovedanje je element javnog diskursa jer nije samo reč o novom postupku stvaranja sadržaja ili stilskoj inovaciji, već je to novo strukturno mesto u savremenoj stvarnosti Srbije. Promene u žanrovskoj strukturi medijskih sadržaja nisu samo hibridizacija postojećih novinarskih žanrova ili diskretne varijacije, pa teorija novinarskih žanrova nije dovoljna za obrazloženje ove teme: pripovedanje je objašnjeno i posredstvom naratologije i teorije književnosti. Da bi uvid u novinarsko pripovedanje bio potpun i da bi ova tema dosegla viši naučni domet, novinarsko pripovedanje je analizirano i kao element javnog diskursa – zbog čega se u radu posebna pažnja daje stukturalističkim i poststrukturalističkim tumačenjima diskursa. Osim teorijskog određenja pojma, u radu su prikazani rezultati studije slučaja. Sprovedene su analize sadržaja i analize intervjua sa urednicima informativnih programa televizija sa nacionalnom frekvencijom. Novinarsko pripovedanje je posledica širih društvenih kretanja i prilagođavanja srpskog društva neoliberalnim modelima. U godinama koje slede, novinarsko pripovedanje će tek razviti sopstvene kapacitete u javnom diskursu

    Role of Local Authorities and citizens in Urban Planning of Micro Public Spaces

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    Planing and design strategies for building with naute in urban areas, today also includes urban planning of micro public spaces. In it, the local government has on important role, which derives grom the legal framework governing urban development. However, today’s local authorities should listen to the citizens needs. Particularly in this area, relation and communication between local authorities and citizens, as well as other stakeholders, is crucial. In this paper, special attention will be focused on determining the concept of micro public spaces. Also, examples of good practice some of city authorities in planning and micro public sapces development strategies will be covred. Finally, we will point out the role of citizens and other stakeholders in urban planning micro public spaces

    Gentrification as a global urban strategy - is there an alternative?

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    This article investigates if there is an alternative to gentrification as a global urban strategy and policy, which resettle poor population from their homes, in order to free space for building new, luxurious settlements for rich. Gentrification practice, strengthened by neo-liberal urban policy, has been implemented in cities worldwide, causing great spatial and social inequalities and injustice. City leaders often avoid the dialogue with local population causing protests, riots and even direct conflicts including violence. Nowadays, one can find worldwide a shameful practice of maltreatment of poor population, prosecuting them as criminals (revanchist urbanization). Research methods used in this paper are: analysis as description and explanation, contextual and qualitative analysis, comparison and case studies. The first part of the paper will include description of gentrification as a cause of great spatial and social problems, which is an indicator of authoritarian political culture. The second part of the paper, is dedicated to case studies of gentrification from two great world cities: London as European city, and Shanghai as an Asian, Chinese city, as a kind of contextual analysis. The third part of the paper and conclusion will analyze an alternative to this neoliberal urban policy basing on experiences of urban regeneration which totally exclude or decrease bad practice. In creating a city for people and not primarily for profit, urban leaders and planners should include citizens in creation of redevelopment projects and plans, asking for their participation, suggestions and final consent. These are good lessons for reaffirmation of open cities, just society and satisfied citizens

    Revision of the ethnic/civic nationalism dichotomy: the case of demographic and migrant crisis in Germany

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    Дихотомија „лошег“ етничког и „доброг“ грађанског нацио- нализма прихватана је након Другог светског рата као зако- нитост у литератури о нацији и национализму. Крајем 20. века, она је у академском свету готово у целости напуште- на. У овом раду ипак не негирамо у потпуности корисност дихотомије. Међутим, не прихватамо географску и норма- тивну нужност која нам се нуди ранијим пуким свођењима национализама целих држава и региона на „добре“ и „лоше“, грађанске и етничке. Кроз ревидирану дихотомију, тврдимо да је нација знатно флуиднија културна и политичка кате- горија која у себи константно носи потенцијал етничког и грађанског обележја. Истовремено, тврдимо да покушај спровођења идеје о искључиво политичкој нацији нужно води одговору њеног „културног“ дела. Овај процес описује- мо кроз анализу дискурса политичке и економске елите у Не- мачкој, као и анализу нове констелације политичких снага у тој држави, за коју тврдимо да је индукована демографском и мигрантском кризом које су погодиле Европу у првим де- ценијама 21. века.After the Second World War, the (bad) ethnic/(good) civic nationalism dichotomy emerged and rapidly obtained an axiomatic status among the academics dealing with theories of nations and nationalism. However, by the late 20th century, the dichotomy was almost abandoned. This paper does not neglect the dichotomy’s utility. On the one hand, we do not accept its geographical and normative necessity offered to us by earlier scholars who have labeled the entire countries or regions as “good” civic or “bad” ethnic. Through the revised dichotomy, we claim the nation is a much more fluid cultural and political category which constantly carries the potential of either ethnic or civic characteristics to dominate the political life of any country. On the other hand, we introduce the concept of political nationalism, claiming that the attempt to implement the idea of a purely political nation necessarily leads toward the political reaction of its “cultural” part, which can be embodied both in its ethnic and civic form. This process is elaborated through discourse analysis of the German political and economic elite, as well as the analysis of the new constellation of political forces in that country, which we claim to be induced by the demographic and migrant crisis that hit Europe in the first decades of the 21st century. We claim that although the universal assessment of the ethnic nationalism as “bad” is empirically wrong, the revival of such national form in Germany, highly compromised in the 20th century, could be considered disturbing. Thus, a normative view in the German case could emerge, where its civic version of nationalism should be considered a moral alternative to the ethnic one

    Value Changes in Adolescents’ Anticipation of Possible Career Selves in Slovenia and Serbia

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    A study on adolescents’ visions of the future, regarding the important goals for themselves and plans for their accomplishment, was conducted on representative samples of high-school students in the last grades in Serbia (N = 1.973) and Slovenia (N = 882), in the autumn of 2015. The adolescents filled out a questionnaire on their visions of the future in different domains. We focused on their career as the central topic of their visions about future selves, which is assumed as conditional for fulfilment of the other identity domains and could be accomplished mainly due to individual efforts and flexible adaptation to environmental opportunities. These differ between the two countries, which experienced different post-socialist transitions into the market economy (and related value changes towards individualism) since early 1990s, from the previous common state, the Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia. As hypothesized, these different societal changes were reflected in the adolescents’ visions about their future career

    Foreign policy positioning of the western Balkan countries in the context of the EU enlargement strategy by 2025

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    Taking into account the European Union's strategic commitment to accelerate the accession of the Western Balkan countries for membership by 2025, as formulated by the Special Strategy (since February 6th, 2018), this will necessitate a significant change in the foreign policy of this group of countries. While Albania and Montenegro have managed to fully harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, this does not fully refer to the rest of the Western Balkans countries. Namely, Serbia and Macedonia as candidate countries and Bosnia and Herzegovina have failed to achieve a full harmonization of their foreign policy with the European Union in the preceding years and especially after 2014. This especially refers to Serbia, which, besides Montenegro, is perceived in the context of the mentioned strategy as a country that will gain full membership of the European Union by 2025. However, due to the strengthened influence of the Russia and China, it did not adequately harmonize its activities regarding Chapter 31 (the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union). This is all in the shadow of the end of the process of normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo, which is a crucial condition for accelerating this process. A similar situation is with Macedonia, which, thanks to the previous government (VMRO-DPMNE), distanced itself considerably from the EU and NATO membership. To a certain extent, the same conclusion can be drawn when it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina, where there is an evident disagreement among the most important political actors regarding the foreign policy activity and the positioning of the country. On the other hand, according to the EU Enlargement Strategy by 2025, further progress in the context of Kosovo’s membership may be achieved only with the consent of all Member States, including those that have not recognized Kosovo's independence

    Velika ’igra’ u dvorištu Zapada: spoljna politika Rusije na Balkanu

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    Ruska Federacija svojom spoljnom politikom, u širem smislu posmatrano, nastoji da obezbedi konsolidaciju položaja zemlje kao jednog od tri najuticajnija centra savremenog sveta – uz SAD i Kinu. Prema Koncepciji spoljne politike Ruske Federacije usvojene 2016. godine strateški prioritet zemlje je „jačanje pozicija Ruske Federacije kao jednog od uticajnijih centara savremenog sveta“, kome će se stremiti prevashodno „jačanjem pozicija u sistemu ekonomskih odnosa, sprečavanjem diskriminacije ruske robe, usluga, investicija, korišćenjem, u ove svrhe, mogućnosti međunarodnih i regionalnih ekonomskih i finansijskih organizacija“. Osnovni proklamovani cilj Ruske Federacije je promocija trgovinsko-ekonomskih interesa i, u tesnoj vezi s ovim, zaštita nacionalne bezbednosti. U skladu s ovim, Ruska Federacija i na Zapadnom Balkanu nastoji da deluje na planu ekonomnske saradnje, a uticaj dopunjuje i na diplomatskom, javno-diplomatskom i na planu vojno-tehničke saradnje. Ukoliko se iz javno-diplomatskog okvira izuzme ekonomska saradnja (koja teorijski potpada pod ovu delatnost) reč je o razvoju odnosa na humanitarnom planu, to jest na planu kulturne i religijske bliskosti. Najpovoljniji scenario za Rusiju bio bi stvaranje grupe vojno neutralnih zemalja na Balkanu, a to su bivše jugoslovenske republike sa Srbijom na prvom mestu. Pod pretpostavkom da se na Evropsku Uniju gleda samo kao na deo Pax Americana-e (globalne trgovinske imperije poduprte snagom NATO vojnog saveza) s malim mogućnostima da samoinicijativno rešava geopolitičke probleme i imajući u vidu još uvek neizvesnu evropsku budućnost zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Rusiji bi ovim bila učvršćena pozicija na jugoistoku Evrope. Ovo se prevashodno odnosi na Srbiju koju u Rusiji uzimaju za jedinstvenu bivšu jugoslovensku zemlju sa državotvornom tradicijom i integracionim potencijalom, a koja bi kulturnom i istorijskom bliskošću, podrškom u javnom mnenju, nerešenim pitanjem Kosova i Metohije i neizvesnom evropskom budućnošću bila relativno čvrsto uporište sa koga bi Ruska Federacija branila svoje interese u Evropi i učinila „zamrznutim“ konflikt na prostoru jugoistočne Evrope čije bi rešenje moglo, u značajnoj meri, da zavisi od odnosa Sjedinjenih Država i Kine. Zaključak je da je Balkan za Rusiju i dalje zona od geostrateškog, političkog i ekonomskog – rečju, nacionalnog interesa. U odbrani ovog interesa, fokus njene spoljne politike biće usmeren ka Srbiji zbog resursa koji druge sile u Srbiji nemaju – podrške u javnom mnenju i teritorijalnog položaja Srbije u „dvorištu“ Evropske Unije i NATO-a. Jačanje svoje pozicije u Srbiji vršiće prevashodno diplomatskim (podrškom Srbiji u odbrani teritorijalnog integriteta) i javnodiplomatskim sredstvima. U slučaju značajnije promene odnosa na globalnom planu i eventualnog kolapsa Evropske unije, Rusija bi mogla intenzivirati aktivnosti na Balkanu podsticanjem pitanja unifikacije srpskog nacionalnog prostor

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