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Како се презива ова беба? Културолошка анализа српских и британских презимена
No full textСвака беба убрзо по рођењу бива некако именована. У већини земаља и култура породично презиме се наслеђује а лично име додељује беби. Стога је избор у ствари ограничен само на ово другопоменуто јер је оно прво (такозвано презиме на српском, задње име на енглеском, по-име на немачком, породично име на француском и бугарском, а на руском само породица) већ утврђено и непроменљиво. Управо због тога је до сада много писано о бирању имена, њиховом значењу, симболици, пореклу и настанку, док се на презимена у научним круговима мање обраћала пажња. Циљ овог рада је да кроз компаративну анализу српских и британских презимена покаже да је у овим двема културама које се прилично међу собом разликују обликовање презимена следило веома сличан пут, те да се она по етимологији могу сврстати у готово истоветне групе. Током тог процеса биће разјашњено како је дошло до тога да једна малецка нејака беба може да носи презиме неког чувеног војсковође или политичара, рецимо Карађорђевић или Wасхингтон, као и оно које по смислу одговара искључиво одраслој особи, на пример Капетановић или Олдман
Granice nadležnosti Evropske unije - načelo poverenih ovlašćenja
Get PDFThe limits of EU competencies are determined by the principle of conferral, which is a fundamental principle of the law of international organizations. According to this principle, the Union has no general and unlimited competence, but disposes only of the powers entrusted to it by the Member States according to the founding treaty. Although it has never been disputed and challenged, this principle entered the founding treaties of the former European Communities and the current EU at a very slow pace and with considerable difficulty. In the initial stage of European integration, the treaty framers did not consider it necessary to incorporate the principles on the delimitation of competencies between the EC and the Member States, i.e. the principle of vertical division of power. As the basic principle for determining the limits of competencies of these organizations, the principle of conferral was for the first time explicitly mentioned in the Treaty establishing the EU. Thus, it became the basic principle of communitarian law, but not of the entire EU law. The constitutionalization of the principle of conferral ensued within the reform implemented by the Lisbon Treaty, when it has become a constitutional principle of the entire EU. After reviewing the provisions explicitly referring to or elaborating on this principle, the authors focus on the concept of implied powers and the flexibility clause, which have been modelled in the post-Lisbon era. The former, taken from the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice, has enabled the EU to exercise competencies other than those it had been explicitly entrusted, which may stem from correlating the founding treaty to a legally relevant fact, such as the objective and effet utile of its provisions. The latter, however, implies a residual power that can be used in the absence of a specific legal basis when there is an agreement between the Member States and the EU institutions on the need for action in order to achieve one of the goals stipulated by the founding treaties. The authors' discussion on the limits of EU competencies is followed up by exploring the types of powers, based on the classification adopted in the Lisbon Treaty. This typology, which relies on the previous practice of the EU, distinguishes exclusive and non-exclusive powers. The second category includes shared, complementary and coordinating powers.Granice nadležnosti Evropske unije određene su načelom poverenih ovlašćenja koje predstavlja temeljni princip prava međunarodnih organizacija. Prema tom načelu, EU nema opštu i neograničenu nadležnost već raspolaže samo onim ovlašćenjima koja su joj poverile države članice osnivačkim ugovorom. Iako nikada osporavano i dovođeno u pitanje prilikom regulisanja nadležnosti, to načelo se dosta teško i sporo probijalo u osnivačke ugovore ranijih Evropskih zajednica i sadašnje EU. U početnoj fazi evropskih integracija tvorci tih ugovora nisu smatrali da je potrebno da u tekst unose principe o razgraničenju nadležnosti između EZ i država članica, odnosno načela vertikalne podele vlasti. Načelo poverenih ovlašćenja našlo je prvi put svoj eksplicitni izraz u Ugovoru kojim je osnovana EU. Tom prilikom ono postaje princip komunitarnog prava, ali ne i načelo celokupnog prava EU. Načelo poverenih ovlašćenja konstitucionalizovano je tek reformom izvršenom Lisabonskim ugovorom kada je preraslo u ustavni princip čitave EU. Posle pregleda odredaba u kojima se izričito pominje ili razrađuje to načelo, predmet pažnje autora rada su koncept impliciranih ovlašćenja i klauzula fleksibilnosti. Prvi od njih, preuzet iz jurisprudencije Suda pravde, omogućio je EU da, osim ovlašćenja koja su joj izričito poverena, vrši i ona ovlašćenja koja se mogu izvesti dovođenjem u vezu osnivačkog ugovora sa nekom pravno relevantnom činjenicom, kao što su cilj i korisno dejstvo njegovih odredaba. Kod klauzule fleksibilnosti, pak, reč je o rezidualnom ovlašćenju koje se može koristiti u slučaju da ne postoji specifičan pravni osnov kada među državama članicama i institucijama EU postoji saglasnost o potrebi delovanja radi ostvarivanja nekog od ciljeva propisanih osnivačkim ugovorom. Rasprava o granicama nadležnosti EU završava se razmatranjem vrsta njenih ovlašćenja na osnovu klasifikacije usvojene u Lisabonskom ugovoru. Prema toj podeli, koja se oslanja na dosadašnju praksu delovanja EU, razlikuju se isključiva i neisključiva ovlašćenja, pri čemu ova druga kategorija obuhvata podeljena, komplementarna i koordinirajuća ovlašćenja.
Misliti prostor promene - kvir (i) feministička čitanja Platonovog pojma hora
Get PDFFollowing the basic assumption of the spatial turn in social sciences and humanities that positions space and social (re)production in a dialectical relation - social relations produce space, just as the space itself influences the reproduction, as well the potential transformation of social relations - feminist and queer theory have also integrated category of space in their research framework, whether referring to the material space, representations of space or spatial metaphors (and figures). Aside from spatial/geographical aspect being relevant in broad analysis of gendered power relations within existing historical and contemporary contexts, it seems just as important and potent, and this text stands on such position, to include thinking of the spatial component of the feminist and queer projects of changing dominant order - thinking about spatial configurations that support envisioned political and social changes. One of the spatial figures which continue to offer fruitful and contested interpretations of its political potential represents Plato's concept of chora (χώρα). Description of this concept in Plato's dialogue Timaeus seems to escape unambiguous, coherent image, therefore, unsurprisingly, producing the multiplicity of readings. This text will provide an overview of some of the (different) interpretations of this concept - queer (one that Jacques Derrida provides), feminist (Elisabeth Gross) and the one that could be characterized as queer feminist interpretation (En Bergren). Although they are not necessarily mutually contrasted, but rather point towards different aspects of chora, this text will argue that the interpretations offered by Derrida and Bergren represent more productive stands for thinking about radically different space.Oslanjajući se na pretpostavke šireg prostornog preokreta u društvenim i humanističkim naukama, koje prostor i društvene i proizvodne odnose postavljaju u dijalektički odnos - prostor proizvode društveni odnosi, kao što i sâm prostor, zauzvrat, utiče na reprodukciju, ali i promenu društvenih odnosa - feministička i kvir teorija su takođe integrisale kategoriju prostora u svoj istraživački okvir, bilo da se radi o materijalnom prostoru, reprezentacijama prostora ili prostornim metaforama (i figurama). Osim što prostorne kategorije postaju relevantne u analizama rodnih odnosa moći unutar istorijskih i savremenih konteksta, čini se jednako važnim i potentnim, a ovaj tekst počiva na toj poziciji, uključiti promišljanje o prostoru i u feminističke i kvir projekte promene dominantnog poretka. Jednu od prostornih figura oko čijih se interpretacija i političkih potencijala i danas razgovara i promišlja svakako predstavlja Platonov pojam hora (χώρα). Opis ovog pojma u Platonovom dijalogu Timaj izmiče jednoznačnoj, koherentnoj predstavi, te ne čudi mnoštvenost njegovih različitih tumačenja. U ovom tekstu će biti predstavljene neke od (različitih) intepretertacija pojma hora - kvir (Žak Derida), feministička (Elizabet Gros) i ono što bi se moglo okarakterisati kao kvir-feministička (En Bergren) interpretacija. Iako one nisu nužno međusobno suprostavljene, već pre ukazuju na različite aspekte Platonovog opisa pojma, pokušaću da pokažem da su interpretacije koje nude Žak Derida i En Bergren možda produktivnije za promišljanje radikalno drugačijeg prostora
Vizuelno uokvirivanje protesta Protiv diktature
Get PDFThis paper builds on the framing theory and its paradigm related to media coverage of protests. Protests are considered as multidimensional phenomena with important visual manifestations both at the time they take place and in later treatment in the media. The aim of this research was to contribute to understanding of visual framing of protests in Serbian media. For that purpose, we analyzed "Against the Dictatorship" protest held after presidential elections in 2017. Our analysis was focused on TV news aired on RTS1, B92, Pink and N1, photographs published in print outlets Kurir, Informer, Vecernje novosti, Politika and Danas, and photos from Web sites blic.rs and telegraf.rs. The method of content analysis was used to examine the representation of visual frames of violence, performance, legitimization and delegitimization, and social semiotics to analyze the content of frames. Results of our study show that the mediascape in Serbia is divided between outlets which positively represent protests and others which frequently use negative frames of violence and delegitimization. More than other frames, visual performance is linked with newsrooms' work routines and focuses on the visual attractiveness of the event, while legitimization and delegitimization frames reflect political bias and editorial policies of certain media outlets.U radu se polazi od teorije uokvirivanja i unutar nje formulisane paradigme o medijskom izveštavanju o protestima. Protesti se posmatraju kao višedimenzionalni fenomeni u kojima je vizuelni izraz važan kako tokom protesta, tako i u njegovoj kasnijoj masmedijskoj obradi. Cilj ovog rada je da doprinese razumevanju vizuelnog medijskog uokvirivanja protesta, na osnovu studije slučaja protesta Protiv diktature koji je organizovan u Srbiji posle predsedničkih izbora 2017. godine. Analizom je obuhvaćeno izveštavanje televizija RTS 1, B92, Pink i N1, štampanih izdanja Kurira, Informera, Večernjih novosti, Politike i Danasa, i sajtova Blic.rs, Telegraf.rs. Metodom analize sadržaja ispitana je zastupljenost vizuelnih okvira nasilja, performativnosti, legitimisanja i delegitimisanja, a iz ugla socijalne semiotike kvalitativno je analiziran sadržaj ovih okvira. Rezultati pokazuju da je medijska scena podeljena između medija koji proteste prikazuju pozitivno i onih koji frekventno koriste negativne okvire nasilja i delegitimisanja. Za vizuelni performativni okvir može se reći da više od ostalih odslikava rutinu rada redakcija i stavlja u fokus vizuelnu atraktivnost događaja, dok se okvir legitimisanja i delegitimisanja pre mogu pripisati političkoj pristrasnosti i uređivačkoj politici određenih medija
The populist zeitgeist in "pro-european" Serbia
Get PDFIn this paper we analyze the influence of populist ideas on the emergence and organization of new political parties in Serbia after the elections in 2007 and 2008. These elections represent the turning point in the development of the party system because only after the pro-European consensus among Democrats and Socialists was formed, the division within Serbian Radical Party occurred and the ideological space occupied by the relevant parties has narrowed. On the other hand, high level of distrust in politics among the citizens and lowering of the state of democracy facilitate the emergence of new actors who are, almost by rule, under the influence of the growing wave of populism in the world. In this paper, we apply the ideational approach to populism and, using the new actors as example, we aim to identify ideological and organizational variations which can develop under the influence of populism, as well as differences which emerge from the interpretation of populism in Serbia compared to some other countries
Jovan Skerlić - utemeljivač književne kritike kao relevantnog analitičkog novinarskog žanra
Get PDFJovan Skerlić was the first modern Serbian critic, whose influence is reaching to this day. He was one of the strongest pillars of Serbian culture, previously built by Vuk Karadžic, Dositej Obradović, Svetozar Marković. He was not only the most prominent literary critic, he was also one of the most prominent ideologues of the epoch and significantly contributed to the formation of a national Serbian being. Theorists of culture consider his work as valuable as the anthropological theory of Jovan Cvijić or the linguistic study of Aleksandar Belić. It is obvious that Skerlić's work exceeded his literary engagement, although he was first among all to be remembered. Essentially, his work was a kind of cultural mission, whose crown was the uniting of South Slavs. As a critic, he encompassed two centuries of Serbian literature, expressing its developmental path. The Slovenian course of talent was followed by him and throughout his life he was trained. It was only in the fifties of the twentieth century that his real contribution and creativity were apreciated, which was diverse, but in which everything was connected. Skerlić is the author of unprecedented "History of new Serbian literature". He did not have successors or followers, because the power of his gift was so great that he directed other critics to other areas. Jovan Skerlić was truly the creator of a clear, accurate, logically convincing writing, called "the Belgrade school". Writing, advocating for the freedom of spirit and art, being an erudite, writing an Impressionist criticism model, was open to the influence of foreign writers (especially French). Serbia has never had such educated, influential and influential critics before, nor it has them now. This paper shows how Jovan Skerlić's way of constructing his style of critique made a unity between expressions, ethics and esthetics. Therefore, his journalistic genre of literary critique made a new elite literary genre of critique possible.U ovom radu se izučava delo Jovana Skerlića kao prvog modernog srpskog književnog kritičara, koji je svojim delovanjem uticao na savremenike. U radu ćemo se baviti specifičnim kritičarskim stilom kojim je Skerlić pisao, kompozicijom njegovih kritika, njegovim odnosom prema idealnoj kritici. Glavna pretpostavka rada je da je Jovan Skerlić kao kritičar uspeo da ujedini stilsko, etičko i estetsko. Skerlićevo obrazovanje i odlično poznavanje književnih prilika pomoglo je formiranju njegovog kritičarskog modela: pisao je beletrističko-analitički hibridni novinarski žanr, ali je od kritike, kao novinarskog, uspeo da napravi elitni književni žanr. Samog Skerlića posmatraćemo i očima savremenika, literata i istoričara, ali i kao osobu sa snažnom književnokritičarskom misijom
Preparedness for emancipation of youth leaving alternative care in Serbia
Get PDFThe process of preparing young people for leaving alternative care is not sufficiently researched in Serbia. In order to define what support is necessary for their successful emancipation, this study of 150 young people in care aims to analyse both their preparedness for leaving alternative care, and whether the type of placement (kinship, foster, or residential) makes a difference to the level of preparedness. A mixed method approach was applied. Quantitatively, questionnaires assessing factors contributing to successful emancipation were administered. Qualitatively, transcripts of discussions from 5 focus groups, consisting of a total of 26 participants from all 3 types of placement, were analysed. Most of the youth in the sample indicated they have self-care and housekeeping skills, social skills to make friendships and connections, good grades in school, and aspirations for further schooling and starting a family. However, negative feelings such as disturbance, fear, and sorrow, and a sense of missing support and feeling insufficiently prepared for leaving care were also evident in their answers. Both the focus groups and surveys suggest that the biggest concern with the independence of young people leaving alternative care is financial stability. Several recommendations for ways to influence the system in order to improve outcomes for young people are made
Accountability of minority representation: methodological advancements
No full textThis paper aims to extend the focus of ethnic minority research in two ways: first, by introducing the notion of constitutive representation of ethnicity and second, by operationalizing accountability for empirical research of minority representation in accordance with the constructivist representative turn. The paper suggests that the analysis of ethnic minority representation would be significantly refined if it adopted a more constructivist understanding of representation. Consequently, we need to move beyond traditional understanding of accountability as reelection. As a response, previous research has introduced more discursive and plural ways of understanding accountability. This paper contributes to these theoretical advancements by developing methodological tools for evaluating minority representation. The paper suggests that there are three systemic conditions necessary for the accountability of minority representatives: publicity, competition, and outlets for objection. Based on them, the paper develops 18 indicators for evaluating minority representation. The system accountability indicators allow us to extend our research beyond the identification of minority claims and try to explain the differences among those who claim to represent minorities
Crisis response in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia
No full textThe institutional design of crisis management in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia determined those countries' responses to the 2014 floods. In all three cases a weak institutional framework and deficient communication, coordination and cooperation severely limited the efficiency of crisis response. Even though the floods affected the broader region, there was no coordinated response between the countries. This was aggravated by the scale of the floods, the rareness of such an event - best described as a black swan event - and the lack of adequate measures to prepare for such an occurrence. The resulting patchwork of institutional responses had its own deficiencies and faults. We identify three common issues: a prevalent lack of effective communication between response actors and institutions through formal channels, a lack of substantial investment in water management and civil protection systems and the absence of responsibility after flooding. There were also differences between cases, especially regarding institutional learning and adaptation. Yet, the floods produced some insights at the strategic level of political officeholders, confirming bad governance in Southeast Europe
