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Predavati postsocijalizam u postsocijalističkoj zemlji - svakodnevica kao izvor političkog
Get PDFIn this paper, I would like to draw attention to the challenges of theorizing and teaching about everyday practices of postsocialist transformation in the former Yugoslavia. I focus on the master course entitled "Cultural and Social Practices of Postsocialism: A Case Study of the Former Yugoslavia" (later renamed "Culture of Socialism and Postsocialism") taught as an elective course at the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Belgrade. It is designed to offer understanding of different and often contradictory ways in which dramatic changes in Eastern Europe from 1989 onwards have been played out in everyday life of people who live in these regions. The main challenge of teaching this course was to encourage students to critically think about politics in its various guises and connect their everyday experiences with political and cultural theory. Not only does it show that teaching is always political, but that the actual challenge lies in teaching (and learning) the political from the sources and practices of everyday life.U ovom radu bavim se izazovima koje donosi predavanje na master kursu o svakodnevici u postsocijalizmu. Izborni master kurs "Kultura socijalizma i postsocijalizma" na master programu Teorije kulture (ranije Teorije kulture i studije roda) nudi kritičku analizu različitih i često protivrečnih puteva postsocijalističkih transformacija u Evropi i načina na koje su se ove promene konstruisale kroz svakodnevicu ljudi koji žive u ovom regionu. Kurs obrađuje različite teme vezane za specifčnosti društvene i kulturne transformacije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, kao što su promene vezane za sferu rada i dokolice, popularne kulture i potrošnje, istovremeno ih smeštajući u šire okvire društvenih i političkih promena u Evropi. Glavni cilj kursa je da preispita uobičajenu podelu između makronivoa političkih promena i načina na koji se one "održavaju" u svakodnevnom životu, pokušavajući da svakodnevni život vidi ne samo kao prostor kroz koji se promene manifestuju, već i kao njihov izvor. Najveći izazov u ovako zamišljenoj koncepciji predmeta bio je podstaći studente i studentkinje da kritički preispitaju one teorijske pristupe koji polaze "odozdo" i dovedu u pitanje uobičajene puteve od "teorije" ili "visoke politike" ka "običnim" ljudima i praksama. U tom smislu, moj cilj je bio ne samo da podstaknem studente i studentkinje da misle kritički o politici u njenim raznolikim formama, već i da povežu svoja svakodnevna iskustva i prakse sa političkom i kulturnom teorijom. To pokazuje ne samo da je obrazovanje uvek političko, već da pravi izazov leži u razumevanju političkog na osnovu svakodnevnih praksi, koje uključuju i samo obrazovanje. Na taj način, kritičko razumevanje načina na koji se političko predaje pruža važne uvide i u procese savremenih (postsocijalističkih) promena i u prirodu onoga što pod političkim podrazumevamo
Recent trends in assessment of proposed consolidations in EU airline industry - From discretion to arbitrariness
No full textEU airline deregulation in 2004 resulted in numerous merger proposals. The European Commission has a crucial role in deciding on mergers with a Community dimension. An overview of 21 merger proposals is followed by the assessment of the EC's attitude towards definition of relevant market and applied remedies. In this paper, we argue that the EC should apply EU competition law in a more consistent manner in order not to slip into arbitrariness
Social Services for Migrants: The Case of Serbia
No full textThe paper focuses on the current migrant situation and the provision of welfare to irregular migrants in Serbia. The theoretical framework stems from the concept of social rights and their references to irregular migrants. It is scrutinised through the lens of social services provided by the public and the civil sector. The emphasis is on the regulation of the provision of basic support: accommodation, food, and clothing, but also psychological support, cash benefits, legal advice, and the like to irregular migrants. The main challenges the sectors will be facing are identified, along with obstacles to improvement. Some of the challenges are at the macro level and may be attributed to the overall decline of the national welfare state. Those relating mainly to the lack of cooperation mechanisms between the public and the civil sector are meso-level challenges. Finally, micro-level challenges refer to the capacities of the sectors per se
Heterostereotipi u pripovetkama Stevana Sremca - ogled iz domaće imagologije
Get PDFIn this paper we analyse the presentation of "others" in Stevan Sremac's short stories. Starting from the understanding of identity and stereotypes in imagology we focus on hetero stereotypes and the portraits of others in two Sremac's short stores - Kir Geras and Kir Moša Abenšaam, or the History about the way in which Kir Moša lost one o f his benefits. Use of humour enables Sremac to portrait the "foreigners" not as "monstrous others" of European cultural tradition, but as close neighbours with whom the readers easily sympathize.U radu se analiziraju predstave o drugima u pripovetkama Stevana Sremca. Krećući se od razumevanja identiteta i sterotipa u imagološkim proučavanjima književnosti, rad se fokusira na heterosterotipe i ideju "stranca" u pripovetkama Kir Geras i Ćir Moša Abenšaam, ili Istorija o tome: kako je Ćir Moša izgubio jednu svoju povlasticu. Upotreba humora u obe pripovetke, iako uvek etničkog humora kojim se heterostereotipi afirmišu, omogućava prepoznavanja sebe u drugome, koji se stoga ne doživljava kao "monstruozni sused" iz evropske kulturne tradicije, već kao sused, koji iako i dalje drugi, ne ostaje stranac
On the Fear of God
Get PDFUveren da je razlog sve veće rasprostranjenosti straha u
savremenom svetu nedostatak jednog specifičnog straha – straha Božijeg, autor
pristupa razmatranju ovog religijskog fenomena. Za razliku od profanog straha, koji
u nama izaziva negativne emocije, strahopoštovanje je suštinsko obeležje ovog
svetog straha. Pojam straha Božijeg pokriva široku lepezu osećanja, od straha pred
Bogom kao pravednim sudijom do ljubavlju ispunjene strepnje da svojom nepažnjom ne
uvredimo Boga. Nakon poređenja Sokratove izreke „Znam da ništa ne znam“ i
starozavetne izreke „Početak mudrosti je strah Gospodnji“, autor ističe da je
čista ljubav prema Bogu svakako najplemenitiji religijski motiv, ali da ne smemo
gajiti iluziju da smo na samom početku duhovnog razvoja sposobni za takvu nesebičnu
ljubav. Oslanjajući se na svetootačku metaforu o tri moguća načina čovekovog odnosa
prema Bogu, kao roba, najamnika i sina, kao i na razlikovanje uvodnog i savrešenog
straha Božijeg, autor smatra da je i u naše vreme moguće da se čovek postepeno
uzdigne od početnog do savršenog straha Božijeg, koji je identičan sa ljubavlju. Iako
je strah Gospodnji dar Božiji, čovek ga svojim moralno-podvižničkim načinom
života u neku ruku mora zaslužiti.Confident that the reason behind an increasing expansion of fear in modern world is
lack of a specific fear – fear of God, the author commences consideration of this religious
phenomenon. Unlike profane fear, that induces negative emotions within a person, awe is an
essential trait of this holy fear. Notion of the fear of God includes a wide spectrum of emotions,
from fear before God as the righteous judge to trepidation filled with love that one does not
insult God in disregard. After comparison between Socrates saying „I know that I know
nothing“ and Old Testament „The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom“, the author
emphasizes that pure love for God is certainly the most noble religious motive. However, we
should not foster an illusion that we are capable of such love in the very beginning of our
spiritual development. Relying on holy fathers’ metaphor about three possible manners of a
man’s relationship with God, those of a slave, servant and son, as well as on difference
between the elementary and the perfect fear of God, the author considers that in our time, too, it
is possible for a man to gradually rise from the initial to the perfect fear of God, which is
identical with love. Although fear of God is a gift from God, one needs to earn it in a certain
way, by one’s moral and ascetic life
Hierarchy of influences on transitional journalism: Corrupting relationships between political, economic and media elites
No full textIn this article, we use the hierarchy-of-influences model as a framework for examining the ways
in which media owners, managers and journalists perceive the influence exerted on their work
during 12-year democratic transition in Serbia. We aim to explain how factors perceived as
influential at the highest system level gradually transfer and relate to the factors on the subsumed
levels. Using the concepts such as corruption and the culture of corruption to interpret hierarchy
between different levels of influence on transitional journalism, we argue that coupling extramedia
actors at the system level can be considered corruption – understood as abuse of power
for personal gain or benefit of the aligned group – which translates to all other levels of influenc
Реформи на социјалната заштита во србија – необезбедена помош за работоспособни корисници
Get PDFIn Serbia, transition from socialism
has had profounding effects in the social
welfare sector, all the way during the
1990s and especially after 2000. Changes
in the sector have been of legislative
and normative nature, but also of ideological
and paradigmatic one. And while
the irreversibility of the trajectory of
changes seems to be out of the question,
some important topics have not been
put into the agenda, and even if put,
solutions to them have not been always
straightforward. On the one hand, objectives
the society tries to pursue with
and within its social welfare system, are
those in terms of social inclusion of its
beneficiaries, with simultaneous prevention
and reduction of social exclusion
of its most vulnerable citizens. On
the other hand, measures with a view to
its effectuating have been largely ineffective,
either due to their inappropriate
design or incomplete implemenation.
This paper is structured around the
theoretical background on needs, their
interpretation and translation into social rights. Social welfare reforms in the national
context are analyzed in the central
part of the paper. The emphasis is
on the reform of social welfare benefits,
more precisely, social welfare benefit in
cash (novčana socijalna pomoć), beneficiaries
thereof and the exit strategies
designed. The objective is to analyze
advantages and disadvantages of the social
welfare reform concept deployed,
and to argue in favour of its transformation
and redesign. The research is positioned
within the qualitive analytical
framework.Во Србија, транзицијата од социјализам имаше длабоки ефекти во
секторот за социјална заштита, сè до
90-тите, а особено по 2000 година.
Промените во овој сектор се од легислативна и нормативна природа, но и
од идеолошка и парадигматска при-
рода. И додека неповратноста на траекторијата на промени се чини дека
не доаѓа предвид, некои важни теми
не се ставени во агендата, па дури и
ако се ставени, решенијата за нив не
биле секогаш јасни. Од една страна,
целите кои општеството се обидува
да ги следи со и во рамките на својот
систем на социјална заштита, се оние
во смисла на социјална вклученост
на своите корисници, со истовремено
спречување и намалување на социјалната исклученост на најранливите
граѓани. Од друга страна, мерките со
цел за негово извршување беа во голема мера неефективни, или поради
нивниот несоодветен дизајн или поради нецелосното спроведувањ
The influence of the discourse of peaceful development On Chinese (re) positioning in the international order
Get PDFNa osnovu velikog broja relevantnih pokazatelja, danas, sa velikom
sigurnošću, možemo pretpostaviti da Narodna Republika Kina (Kina)
predstavlja jedan od najvažnijih geopolitičkih i geoekonomskih vektora
multipolarnog međunarodnog poretka. Međutim, kineska spoljna politika
je oduvek bila teško shvatljiva brojnim stručnjacima iz oblasti
međunarodnih odnosa koji dolaze iz tzv. zapadne škole mišljenja, iz prostog
razloga što ona nikada nije bila oblikovana prema „pravilima“
prosvetiteljskog racionalizma. Zbog toga njihove metode, paradigme, teorije
i indikatori, u odgovoru na ključno pitanje o uticaju miroljubivog razvoja
na kinesko geopolitičko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku, daju
polovičan i vrednosno-subjektivan odgovor. Namera ovog rada je da
analizom kineskog diskursa miroljubivog razvoja u periodu od 2003. do
2012. godine kada je na čelu Kine bio Hu Đintao (Hu Jintao), iz drugačijeg
ugla pruži odgovor na postavljeno pitanje. U prvom delu rada biće
problematizovano pitanje ekonomskog uspona Kine, njene demografske,
diplomatske i geopolitičke snage u očima zapadnih država, u svetlu
potencijalnih izazova po već ustanovljene norme ponašanja država u
međunarodnom okruženju. Drugi deo ovog rada biće posvećen kritičkom
objašnjenju koncepta miroljubivog razvoja u svetlu načina njegovog
kreiranja, dok se treći deo bavi njegovom suštinskom važnošću u
praktičnom potvrđivanju i izvršavanju kroz spoljnopolitičko i unutrašnje
delovanje KineToday, based on a large number of relevant indicators, we can
assume with great certainty that the People's Republic of China (China) is
one of the most important geopolitical and geoeconomic vectors of the
multipolar international order. However, China's foreign policy has always
been hard to understand to a number of experts in the field of international
relations coming from the so-called western schools of thought for the
simple reason that it was never shaped according to the "rules" of
Enlightenment rationalism. Therefore, their methods, paradigms, theories
and indicators, in response to the key question on the impact of peaceful
development on Chinese geopolitical (re) positioning in the international
order, give a partial and value-subjective answer. The purpose of this paper
is to analyze the Chinese discourse of peaceful development between 2003
and 2012 when Hu Jintao was the head of China and to answer the question
raised from a different angle. In the first part of the paper, the issue of the
economic rise of China, its demographic, diplomatic and geopolitical power
in the eyes of the Western states will be discussed in the light of the potential
challenges for the already established norms of state behavior in the
international environment. The second part of this paper will be devoted to
the critical explanation of the concept of peaceful development in light of
the way in which it is created, while the third part deals with its essential
importance in practical confirmation and execution through China's foreign
and political activities
Hierarchy of influences on transitional journalism - Corrupting relationships between political, economic and media elites
No full textIn this article, we use the hierarchy-of-influences model as a framework for examining the ways in which media owners, managers and journalists perceive the influence exerted on their work during 12-year democratic transition in Serbia. We aim to explain how factors perceived as influential at the highest system level gradually transfer and relate to the factors on the subsumed levels. Using the concepts such as corruption and the culture of corruption to interpret hierarchy between different levels of influence on transitional journalism, we argue that coupling extra-media actors at the system level can be considered corruption - understood as abuse of power for personal gain or benefit of the aligned group - which translates to all other levels of influence
Local ownership as international governmentality: Evidence from the EU mission in the Horn of Africa
Get PDFWhile some Foucault-inspired studies construe local ownership in international interventions as a form of liberal governmentality that aims to govern through freedom, others lambast it as an illiberal governmentality that is likely to be resisted because it undermines local autonomy. However, we still do not know what is the rationality behind local ownership, how it is being operationalized, and why a principle that aims to govern through freedom ends up curtailing it. I argue that local ownership, echoing the colonial principle of indirect rule, is driven by the rationality of advanced democracies on how best to govern global insecurities at a distance. Consequently, ownership is operationalized as responsibilization for externally designed objectives. This often gives rise to local resistance which undermines international efforts to achieve ownership. I illustrate my arguments with evidence from the EU Mission on Regional Maritime Capacity Building in the Horn of Africa (EUCAP Nestor)