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Critical situations, fundamental questions and ontological insecurity in world politics
No full textThe central premise of ontological security theory is that states are ready to compromise their physical security and other important material gains in order to protect their ontological security. While the existing studies have primarily focused on how states defend or maintain their ontological security, little attention has been paid to critical situations that make states ontologically insecure in the first place. Drawing on the work of Anthony Giddens, I conceptualise critical situations in world politics as radical disjunctions that challenge the ability of collective actors to 'go on' by bringing into the realm of discursive consciousness four fundamental questions related to existence, finitude, relations and autobiography. The argument is illustrated in a case study of ontological insecurity produced in Serbia by the secession of Kosovo.Peer-reviewed manuscript: [http://rfpn.fpn.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/834
Postupak zaključivanja ugovora Evropske unije sa trećim državama i međunarodnim organizacijama
Get PDFAfter the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.Posle stupanja na snagu Lisabonskog ugovora postupak zaključivanja međunarodnih ugovora Evropske unije sa trećim državama i međunarodnim organizacija pretrpeo je značajne promene. Najznačajniju novinu na proceduralnom planu predstavlja uspostavljanje redovnog postupka kojim su obuhvaćeni gotovo svi sporazumi EU sa trećim subjektima. Prema slovu Lisabonskog ugovora, ovaj postupak podrazumeva faze pregovora, potpisivanja sporazuma i donošenje odluke o zaključivanju sporazuma. Za zaključivanje sporazuma čiji predmet isključivo ili pretežno spada u oblast zajedničke spoljne i bezbednosne politike predviđeno je nekoliko odstupanja od jedinstvenih pravila procedure. Istom odredbom osnivačkog ugovora regulisani su postupci za izmene i dopune i suspenziju sporazuma na snazi, kao i postupak pravosudne kontrole sporazuma koji tek treba da budu zaključeni. Izvan redovne procedure ostala su dva posebna postupka koji se odnose na zaključenje sporazuma u oblasti zajedničke trgovinske politike i sporazuma o kursu evra u odnosu na valute država nečlanica. Na institucionalnom planu kao najvažniji akteri u postupku zaključivanja ugovora EU pojavljuju se Savet, Komisija i Evropski parlament. Centralno mesto u svim vrstama ugovorne procedure zadržao je Savet koji odlučuje o svim bitnim pitanjima vezanim za tok i ishod ugovornog procesa. Komisija je ostala glavni, ali ne više isključivi inicijator i pregovarač u ugovornom procesu, jer se kao novi učesnici u toj ulozi, zavisno od predmeta ugovora, pojavljuju Visoki predstavnik za spoljne poslove i politiku bezbednosti i Evropska centralna banka. Evropski parlament ojačao je svoju poziciju u postupku zaključenja ugovora, posebno kroz povećanje broja slučajeva u kojima je njegov pristanak neophodan za donošenje konačne odluke o zaključenju sporazuma. Značajan položaj u ovom postupku ima i Sud pravde EU, čiji je zadatak da kontroliše saglasnost sporazuma sa osnivačkim ugovorima pre nego što budu zaključeni
Serbia and Croatia
No full textDuring the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of 'Total National Defence'. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states-Serbia and Croatia-since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats
Federalizam i izgradnja poretka - proces ili odluka?
Get PDFMost of contemporary constitutional lawyers investigating federalism focus only on the system's normal functioning. In contrast to this mainstream approach in this article we argue that in order to understand true challenges of compound communities in today's epoch of crisis a scholar has to look for the ways a federation caught in the trap of exceptional situation deals with the either/or decisionist dilemma. The article is divided in three parts. In the first part we ask the three major questions: Who is guardian of the federal constitution? What enables the parallel political coexistence of a federation and its composing parts? What is the relationship between federalism and democracy? In the second part, we present some of todays most distinguished federal scholars' arguments that negate the importance of whether-or decisionistic dilemma for understanding compound communities' constitutional nature. In the last part, we land from the sky of theoretical discussions to the realm of history in order to look for the answers to Schmitt's questions in concrete experience of compound political communities.Nasuprot preovlađujućem pristupu današnjih ustavnih pravnika koje zanima isključivo normalno funkcionisanje federalnih sistema, u članku tvrdimo da je proučavanje načina na koji se federacija, uhvaćena u zamku vanrednog stanja, suočava sa decizionističkim ili-ili, pitanjem od odlučujućeg značaja za razumevanje izazova složenih političkih zajednica u epohi krize. Članak je podeljen na tri dela. U prvom delu analiziramo tri osnovna pitanja koja klasični teoretičar decizionizma Karl Šmit (Carl Schmitt) upućuje federalistima: ko je čuvar federalnog ustava, šta obezbeđuje paralelnu političku egzistenciju federacije i njenih sastavnih jedinica i kakav je odnos između federalizma i demokratije? U drugom delu predstavljamo argumente nekih od najvažnijih savremenih teoretičara federalizma koji negiraju značaj decizionističkog ili-ili pitanja za razumevanje ustavne prirode složenih političkih zajednica. Na kraju se spuštamo sa visina teorijskih rasprava na čvrsto tlo istorije kako bismo odgovor na pitanje utemeljenosti decizionističkog i federalističkog pristupa potražili u konkretnom iskustvu složenih političkih zajednica.
Transformacija socijalne politike u Srbiji - Osvrt na monografiju Danila Vukovića Preoblikovanje neoliberalizma - socijalna politika u Srbiji (sociološko-pravna analiza), Mediterran Pubslihing, Novi Sad, 2017
Get PDFIn this review of the monograph 'Transformation of Neoliberalism: Social Policy in Serbia (Sociological and Legal Analysis)', the emphasis is on the influence of neoliberal mechanisms and strategies on reforms in three areas of social policy: education, social protection and employment. Thereby, the restructuring of social rights in Serbia (with respect to historical heritage) is considered, in the context of the processes of globalization, the rise of neoliberalism, and the role of domestic elites and middle layers.U ovom osvrtu na monografiju 'Preoblikovanje neoliberalizma: socijalna politika u Srbiji (sociološko-pravna analiza)' naglasak je na uticaju neoliberalnih mehanizama i strategija na reforme u tri oblasti socijalne politike: obrazovanju, socijalnoj zaštiti i zapošljavanju. Pri tome, razmatra se preoblikovanje socijalnih prava u Srbiji (uz uvažavanje istorijskog nasleđa), u kontekstu globalizacijskih procesa i uspona neoliberalizma, te uloge domaćih elita i srednjih slojeva
Identitet nepravoslavnih stanovnika Crne Gore i religija
Get PDFThis paper analyses the influence of religion on identity, especially the political identity and political behavior of the non-orthodox people of Montenegro. Goal of this paper is to show that non-orthodox minorities in Montenegro have a mass influence on the politics of this country. For example, without their votes, the independence of Montenegro would not be possible. This is very easy to calculate. 55% voted for the independence, and Muslims represents a little bit more than 19% of the Montenegro's population. All of them say they voted for the independence of Montenegro in 2006 referendum. Therefore, this political decision was highly dependent on the Muslim votes, and had a great influence on the Serbian interests. This fact should be highlighted. Moreover, one can say that this was one of the major defeats of Serbs in the last century. This paper shows that the identity of the Serbian speaking population of Montenegro is dependent on their religious background. Bosnians, Muslims, Montenegrin Muslims or Croats base their national identity on their Islamic or Roman Catholic confession. Moreover, this paper shows that the Albanian national question in Montenegro is a great example of how both Serbian science and politics failed to explain this issue. Serbian politicians and scientist are wrong in saying that Albanians are motivated only by antireligious nationalism in their actions, basing their attitude in complex Albanian society made of Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox Christians. Due to this fact religious aspect was completely ignored. However, a great number of Albanians fighting for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq are quite opposite to this attitude, and making Serbians to ask themselves - how is it possible that an atheist Albanians are fighting in the name of Islam? The situation is similar in Montenegro. In this paper we show that Albanians are also divided on religious lines and that this division has huge consequences. If Serbs has analyzed Albanians interreligious relations based on what we have in Montenegro, it would be easier for them to understand that Albanians failed to overcome their religious differences in the name of national unity, and consequently to understand why so many of them are fighting for ISIL. We also deal with the Croatian question in Montenegro. This paper will show that Montenegrin Croats are a part of the same Serbian body, like Bosnians or Muslims. They are divided from this body only because of their religious belonging to Roman Catholic religion. Under the pressure of the First Croat Catholic Congress in 1900 they accepted to declare as Croats as their national belonging. Prior to this, they were divided between the idea of Slavs and Serbs, all sharing the same Serbian background and language.Predmet ove analize jeste uticaj religije na identitet nepravoslavnih stanovnika Crne Gore. Čini nam se da je političko ponašanje pripadnika nepravoslavnih religija u Crnoj Gori izazvalo krupne političke posledice i da bi to valjalo istražiti sa tačke gledišta uticaja religije na njihov identitet, a posebno političke posledice njihovog identitetskog opredeljenja. Analiza bi trebalo da prikaže da je primarni razlog za nacionalni, kulturni i politički identitet ispitivanih subjekata njihova religijska pripadnost. U ovom radu će se koristiti uobičajena metodologija političkih nauka. Rezultati koje rad treba da ostvari bi trebalo da posluže kao osnova za bolje razumevanje činjenica o kojima je reč i da eventualno budu korisni političkim i društvenim delatnicima
Politička slika sveta na izbornom plakatu u Srbiji od 1990. do 2017. godine
Get PDFThe aim of this paper is to identify the elements of the political image of the world that the electoral actors in Serbia have been trying to develop through mass political communication from the re-establishment of the multiparty system to the present day. The author of the paper decided to accomplish the given goal by examining the application of basic psychological mechanisms of forming and maintaining the image of the world in crea-tion of electoral posters. The research was approached from the point of social psychology us-ing a constructivist approach. The basic method used in the research is a qualitative content analysis. The selection of posters was preceded by the determination of the so-called situation context factors -the socio-political circumstances in which the posters were created, which is related to the character of the basic method of research. Election campaigns, understood as the final stage in the long-term strategy of the propaganda performances of political ac-tors, were taken as the basic contextual framework for the interpretationof what the com-municator sought to say through the posters. The analysis of the posters used in the election campaigns run in 1997, 2000 and 2016 was carried out. The results of the analysis showed that, regarding the application of psychological mechanisms in creation of the "image of the world," the election poster in Serbia is complex. The conclusion is that the political "image of the world" of voters in Serbia created during the 1990s is similar to their current view of the political environment and that its basic characteristics are the identification with the state and pronounced stereotype of a strong leader.Osnovni cilj u radu je da se identifikuju elementi političke slike sveta koju su izborni akteri u Srbiji nastojali da razviju kod građana od ponovnog uspo-stavljanja višestranačja do danas posredstvom masovne političke komunikacije. Autor rada opredelio se da realizuje zadati cilj ispitujući primenu osnovnih mehanizama realizacije strategije formiranja i održavanja "slike sveta" u kreiranju izbornih plakata. Istraživanju se pristupilo iz ugla socijalne psihologije primenom konstruktivističkog pristupa. Osnovna metoda primenjena u istraživanju je kvalitativna analiza sadržaja. Izboru konkretnih analiziranih plakata prethodilo je utvrđivanje činilaca tzv. kontek-sta situacije-društveno-političkih okolnosti u kojima su plakati kreirani što je u vezi sa karakterom osnovne metode istraživanja. Za osnovni kontekstualni okvir u tumače-nju onoga što je komunikator nastojao da kaže posredstvom plakata, uzete su izborne kampanje shvaćene kao krajnja faza u dugoročnoj strategiji propagandnog nastupa političkih subjekata. Izvršena je analiza plakata korišćenih u izbornim kampanjama iz 1997, 2000. i 2016. godine. Rezultati analize pokazali su da je, u pogledu primene psiholoških mehanizama kreiranja slike sveta, izborni plakat u Srbiji kompleksan. Za-ključak je i da je politička "slika sveta" birača u Srbiji iz devedesetih godina prošloga veka slična njegovoj aktuelnoj predstavi o političkom okruženju i da su njena osnovna karakteristika identifikacija sa državnom zajednicom i izražen stereotip o jakom lideru
Pulbic-Private Partnership as a Way of Solving Environmental Problems and Example of Corporate Social Responsibility in Serbia
Get PDFOd 2011. godine, javno-privatno partnerstvo (u daljem tekstu: JPP) postaje sve značajniji faktor lokalnog ekonomskog razvoja u Republici Srbiji.Danas, sve više odobrenih projekata i zaključenih ugovora kroz različite forme JPP, ukazuju na potencijale ovog instituta. Značajno mesto imaju i projekti čiji je cilj rešavanje ekoloških problema. Oni istovremeno postaju i dobar primer odgovornog poslovanja. U ovom radu razmatraju se teorijski aspekti JPP, kao i značaj projekata JPP za poboljšanje poslovanja i rešavanje ekoloških problema iz zaštite okoline u Srbiji.Since 2011, the public-private partnership (hereinafter: PPP) has become an
increasingly important factor of local economic development in the Republic of Serbia.
Today, more and more approved projects and contracts concluded through various forms of
PPP, indicatea big potential of this institute. Projects that aim to solve environmental
problems have a significant place. At the same time, they become a good example of
responsible doing business. This paper discusses the theoretical aspects of PPP, as well as
the significance of PPP projects aimed to improve doing business and solving environmental
problems and protection in Serbia