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Serbia's Positioning in the Central European Context: Between the "Two/Three" Concepts of Central Europe
No full textPolazeći od konstituisanja posebnosti Srednje Evrope, pre svega tokom
proteklog veka, autori ukazuju i na temeljne razlike koje postoje u vektorima uticaja u
ovoj evropskoj regiji. U tom smislu razdvaja se grupa zemalja oko regionalne forme
saradnje Višegradske grupe (V4), kao i zemlje alpskog subregiona (Nemačka, Austrija,
Hrvatska i Slovenija). Sve više nastaju i razlike između država aranžmana V4 imajući u
vidu njihov odnos prema napadu Rusije na Ukrajinu od 2022. godine, kao i vezano za
različitu dinamiku demokratskih procesa u njima. Srbija je tokom svoje savremene
istorije uglavnom imala loše odnose sa svojim srednjoevropskim okruženjem, te autori
ukazuju na pojedine faze s tim u vezi posebno od početka XIX veka. Stoga je posebna
pažnja posvećena i analizi aktuelne spoljne politike Srbije u kontekstu njenih odnosa sa
državama i inače složene Srednje Evrope. U tom smislu, ukazuje se i na širi kontekst
objektivno usporenih evropskih integracija Srbije, ali i na njene intenzivne odnose sa
Kinom i Rusijom. U svetlu takve analize autorizaključuju da će pozicija Srbije u njenom
neposrednom srednjoevropskom okruženju ostati nepromenjena i prilično otežana.The authors discussthe unique characteristics of Central Europe, particularly
in the last century, and highlight the fundamental differences in the influence vectors
within this region of Europe. In this regard, we can distinguish the regions of the
Visegrad Group (V4) and the Alpine sub-region (Germany, Austria, Croatia, and
Slovenia). The differences between the countries in the V4 arrangement are more
pronounced, particularly regarding their positions on the 2022 Russian invasion of
Ukraine and their varying dynamics of democratic processes. Throughout its
modern history, Serbia has predominantly had strained relations with its Central
European neighbours. Regarding this, the authors specifically highlight many
phases, particularly in the early 19th century. As a result, Serbia’s current foreign policy
is examined in the context of its relations with the states of an otherwise intricate
Central Europe. In thisregard,the broader context of Serbia’s objectively slow European
integration is highlighted, as well as its intense relations with China and Russia. The
authors conclude that Serbia will continue to face challenges in its immediate Central
European environmen
Evidence–based practice at the centre of paradigm shift in social work?
No full textСажетак: Приступ праксе засноване на доказима у социјалном раду изазива ши
рок спектар реакција, које одражавају динамику модерних и постмодерних приступа,
где се традиционални нагласак на емпиријским методама и објективности суочава
са изазовима постмодернистичког скептицизма и релативизма. Полазећи од модела
научног развоја Томаса Куна као теоријскоаналитичког оквира, циљ рада је да ана
лизира дебату између модерног и постмодерних приступа поводом праксе засноване
на доказима у социјалном раду. Користећи методе анализе садржаја, компаративне и
наративне анализе, као и синтезе, рад се фокусира на текућу дебату као израз кризе и
сукоба између ових двеју парадигми, узимајући у обзир њихове основне онтолошке,
епистемолошке, методолошке и аксиолошке поставке. Приказује се развој праксе
засноване на доказима кроз сукцесију стадијума нормалне науке и кризе, а затим
дискутују основни модернистички и постмодернистички аргументи, чиме се отвара
питање импликација овог сукоба на примену и даљи развој приступа праксе засноване
на доказима у социјалном раду. Закључује се да, упркос привидној непомирљивости
ових приступа, њихова критичка интеракција, осветљена кроз Кунове идеје о научним
парадигмама, игра кључну улогу у развоју праксе засноване на доказима.Evidence-based practice in social work elicits a broad spectrum of reactions which reflect the dynamics of modern and postmodern approaches, where the traditional emphasis on empirical methods and objectivity confronts the challenges of postmodern skepticism and relativism. Drawing on Thomas Kuhn’s model of scientific development as a theoretical-analytical framework, this paper aims to analyze the debate between modern and postmodern approaches regarding evidence-based practice in social work. Using the methods of content analysis, comparative and narrative analysis, as well as synthesis, the paper focuses on the current debate as an expression of the crisis and conflict between these two paradigms, considering their fundamental ontological, epistemological, methodological, and axiological assumptions. The development of evidence-based practice through the succession of stages of normal science and crisis is presented, followed by the discussion of the main modernist and postmodernist arguments. This opens up the question of the implications of this conflict on the application and the further development of the evidence-based practice approach in social work. It is concluded that, despite the apparent irreconcilability of these approaches, their critical interaction, illuminated through Kuhn’s ideas on scientific paradigms, plays a key role in the development of evidence-based practice
Foreign terrorist fighters as a potential security problem of the Republic of Serbia
No full textУ раду се анализира феномен страних терористичких бораца,
који могу представљати потенцијални безбедносни проблем за
Републику Србију. Аутори су најпре направили дистинкцију
између термина страних бораца и страних терористичких бораца,
да би у наставку рада фокус био на класификацији овог феномена.
Иако се страни борци као појава јављају много раније, фокус овог
истраживања је на рат у Сирији који је инволвирао велики број
међународних актера, укључујући и терористичке организације,
попут „Исламске државе”. Централни део рада је посвећен
институционалном и стратешком оквиру Републике Србије који
се бави превенцијом и борбом против насилног екстремизма и
тероризма. Поред тога, аутори су анализирали све потенцијалне
фазе (и уједно проблеме) повратка страних терористичких бораца, али и њихових породица на територију Републике Србије, дајући предикционе анализе.The paper analyzes the phenomenon of foreign terrorist fighters, who can represent a potential security problem for the Republic of Serbia. It is believed that in the period from 2012 to 2016, more than 1,200 people from the Western Balkan region (including Serbia, as well). The fact that 49 Serbian adult citizens went to Syria (37 men and 12 women) is very important. Authors first made a distinction between the terms foreign fighters and foreign terrorist fighters, so that in the continuation of the work the focus would be on the classification of this phenomenon. Although foreign fighters appeared much earlier, the focus of this research is on the war in Syria, which involved a large number of international actors, including terrorist organizations, such as the „Islamic State”. The central part of the work is dedicated to the institutional and strategic framework of the Republic of Serbia, which deals with the prevention and fight against violent extremism and terrorism. In addition, the authors analyzed all potential phases (and at the same time the problem) of the return of foreign terrorist fighters, as well as their families in the territory of the Republic of Serbia, giving predictive analyses. The return of foreign terrorist fighters from Syria and Iraq to the territory of the Republic of Serbia can represent a kind of security problem. This phenomenon has been unknown until now, especially when it comes to group face restoration. In addition, this is not only about one category (eg terrorists), but we will also meet with women and children. Up until now, in the region, women have mostly been viewed as victims, but it should be borne in mind that individual members of the female gender can also be radicalized, which can have a negative impact on children as well, through the process of education. Due to all these facts, a multidisciplinary approach to this problem is necessary, which will involve experts from different fields
Characteristics of cyberspace as a distinct domain of conflict: A case study of U.S. strategic operations
No full textU radu se polazi od namere da se pruži doprinos sistematskom izučavanju
sajber strategija i politika kroz sintezu ključnih događaja i nalaza o delovanju država
u sajber prostoru nakon 2007. godine. Ovakva sinteza podrazumeva praćenje procesa
koji su doprineli početku militarizacije sajber prostora u periodu od 2007. do 2013.
godine. Potom, pri definisanju osnovnih karakteristika sajber prostora koje
determinišu delovanje država, izdvajaju se demokratičnost, veliki potencijal ljudske
greške, problem atribucije, tehnička volatilnost, i vremenska ograničenost i brzina
reagovanja. Konačno, sinteza podrazumeva i konkretan primer uticaja ključnih
karakteristika na strateško delovanje SAD kao velike sile u tom domenu. Na osnovu
analize strateških dokumenata SAD, ali i uvida u ranije ponašanje ove države, u radu
se tvrdi da teorija „upornog angažmana”, koja u izgradnji teorije uzima u obzir
prethodno navedene karakteristike, ostaje okosnica delovanja SAD u sajber prostoruIn this paper, I intend to contribute to the systematic study of cyber strategies and policies by offering a synthesis of key events and findings on state actions in cyberspace after 2007. Such a synthesis implies tracing the processes that contributed to the beginning of the militarization of cyberspace from 2007 to 2013. Then, it implies defining the basic characteristics of cyberspace that determine the actions of states, among which are: the democratic character; high potential for human error; attribution problem; technical volatility; and time and speed constraints. Finally, the synthesis includes a concrete example of the influence of key characteristics on the strategic behavior of the USA. Based on the analysis of the strategic documents of the USA and the analysis of the previous behavior of this country, I argue that the theory of “persistent engagement”, which in its construction considers the aforementioned characteristics, remains the backbone of the USA’s behavior in cyberspace
Dying for One‘s Country? Moral Boundaries of Patriotism
No full textU tekstu ispitujem moralne granice patriotizma, s posebnim akcentom na odnos između patriotizma, rata i smrti. Moralne teorije unutar kojih se razvijaju argumenti u prilog patriotske privrženosti najpre delim u dve opšte grupe: teleološke i deontološke. Teleološka argumentacija se potom razmatra u svojoj univerzalističkoj (utilitaristički konsekvencijalizam) i partikularističkoj varijanti (komunitarni argument moralnog obrazovanja), dok se deontološka argumentacija analizira na primeru teorija u kojma se patriotsko žrtvovanje opravdava kao: oblik fer-plej ophođenja i zahvalnosti prema državi; prirodna dužnost podržavanja pravednih institucija; i izraz kantijanski shvaćene demokratske samouprave. Tvrdim da vladajuće moralne teorije teleološkog i deontološkog usmerenja nude tek delimične, nekonzistentne ili kontraintuitivne odgovore na pitanje o razlozima i prirodi patriotske privrženosti, te da je njihov osnovni nedostatak u tome što ne uspevaju da pruže intristično opravdanje patriotizma.In this paper I explore ethical boundaries of patriotism, especially considering the ambiguous relation between patriotism, war and death. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two general groups: teleological and deontological, and than I examine them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, communitarian theory of moral virtue, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory of democratic self-government. I argue that all five arguments are incoherent or intuitively unclear and fail to explain intristic nature of patriotic allegiance
Pametni i humani gradovi : politika primene IT u javnom sektoru i politike prostornog planiranja, gradnje i stanovanja
No full textHow Partisan Media Exposure Shaped Party Evaluations in the 2023 Elections in Serbia
No full textThis study sought to investigate how voters in Serbia perceived political parties in the run-up
to the 2023 elections and how selective exposure to party-affiliated media influenced their
perceptions. To achieve this, the study analyzed the latent structure of party evaluations and
investigated how partisan media exposure predicts the extracted dimensions, after controlling for sociodemographic and attitudinal predictors of party evaluations. On a convenience
online sample of 1033 respondents (57% female), it was found that political parties are mentally organized into three factors: parties of civic opposition, parties of national opposition,
and ruling parties. Regression analyses have shown that evaluations of the three mentioned
party blocs are best predicted by different media consumption patterns. Positive evaluations
of civic opposition parties are predicted by the female gender, low religiosity and authoritarianism, values of social and economic liberalism, high interest in politics, and following
opposition television channels and websites. Support for national opposition parties can be
predicted by male gender, living in smaller towns or rural areas, high religiosity, values of
social conservatism, and to some extent watching public broadcasting services. Regime-affiliated parties are more likely to be supported by older citizens from smaller towns, who tend
to be religious, authoritarian, less interested in politics, and primarily viewers of pro-regime
television channels and readers of pro-regime websites
Local public policies concerning digitization of labour: comparative practice experiences and potential implementation to the city of Belgrade
No full textDigitalizacija rada predstavlja relativno nov fenomen koji nije dovoljno istražen u polju političkih nauka. Ona zahteva i multidisciplinarni pristup, uz korišćenje saznanja iz polja ekonomije, prava i sociologije. Posebno zanimljivo polje analize koje je neophodno obraditi jeste polje javnih politika, sa posebnim osvrtom na lokalne javne politike. Stoga, osnovno istraživačko pitanje u ovom radu glasi: da li je digitalne oblike rada moguće regulisati na lokalnom nivou? Ovo istraživanje polazi od objašnjenja fenomena digitalizacije rada i njenog uticaja na uslove rada i položaj radnika. Digitalizacija rada se manifestuje kroz dva pojavna oblika, i to: rad na digitalnim platformama i rad na zahtev posredstvom mobilne aplikacije. U ovom radu se akcenat stavlja na analizu rada na zahtev posredstvom aplikacija, koga odlikuje postojanje fizičkog kontakta između zaposlenog i krajnjeg korisnika čiji se odnos, ali i obaveze koje proizlaze iz ovog odnosa, regulišu posredstvom digitalne, odnosno mobilne aplikacije. Ovaj oblik rada se može označiti kao rad na lokalnim digitalnim platformama. Regulisanje ovog oblika rada postalo je značajno pitanje na lokalnom nivou u pojedinim gradovima, te je potrebno analizirati lokalne javne politike u gradovima Bolonji, Laciju, San Francisku, Njujorku i Čikagu, koji predstavljaju primere dobre prakse u regulisanju ovog složenog fenomena. Komparativna iskustva ovih gradova mogu poslužiti kao osnova za izgradnju lokalnih javnih
politika u Beogradu kojima će se regulisati ova složena oblast.A relatively recent phenomena that has not received enough attention in the political sciences is the digitization of labour. It necessitates a multidisciplinary approach that draws on expertise in sociology, law, and economics. Public policy is perhaps the most fascinating element of the analysis that has to be investigated, with a focus on local public policies. Consequently, the study issue is: Can digital forms of labour be regulated locally? An explanation of the digitization of labour phenomena and how it affects employment status and working conditions opens this study. Crowd employment and work on demand via mobile applications are the two types of digitalization that we may observe. This study offers an original look at work-on-demand via mobile applications that is defined by the real interaction between direct users and employees, with the relationships and responsibilities that ensue being controlled by digital or mobile applications. This type labour could be identified as work on local digital platforms. Regulation of this type of labour has become a very important topic at the local level in many cities; therefore, it is necessary to analyse local public policies in cities and regions such as Bologna, Lacio, San Francisco, New York, and Chicago, which are examples of good practices in the regulation of this complex phenomenon. The comparative experience could serve as the foundation for creating local public policies in Belgrade to govern this complex field
Between geopolitics and legal obligations: the EU and the continuation of the normalization process between Belgrade and Priština
No full textThe article deals with the challenges in the implementation of the Agreement on the path to
normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia signed on February 27, 2022, and its
Implementation Annex from March 2022. There has been no significant application of these
documents so far, in addition to the similar lackluster fate of numerous other documents concluded in the normalization process. Therefore, the authors argue that the EU’s image of the
mediator in the process, intending to bring democracy and rule of law through these agreements
to both parties, is increasingly brought into question.
In relation to this, the first part of the article explains how the European Union, in the context
of its policy of conditionality, increasingly exerts significant influence on Belgrade to accelerate
this process. The opening of new clusters according to the Union’s new methodology concerning
Serbia depends on the continuation and acceleration of this process, which is now an integral
part of its negotiation framework (Chapter 35). Similarly, for Kosovo, within the broader
framework of conditions for future candidate status and future membership negotiations, this
question of the successful normalization of relations with Belgrade is a priority. Also, in the
New Growth Plan for the Western Balkans presented in November, the withdrawal of significant financial resources by the authorities in Belgrade and Pristina will depend on the further
dynamics of the implementation of all previous agreements between the two parties, especially
the last year’s Agreement on the path to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. This Agreement was primarily the result of the joint initiative of Germany and France, with
significant diplomatic support from the United States of America.
The second part of the article deals with the issue of the legality of such EU actions. The authors
argue that despite a certain objective inability to accelerate the implementation process of all
the agreements reached during the thirteen-year normalization process, the European Union
can condition Belgrade and Pristina regarding additional donor funds—that is, an investment
and financial aid package—in line with the fact that the parties themselves have accepted and
committed to it. Simultaneously, through this Agreement, in principle, the parties committed
in Article 5 to harmonize their foreign policy actions with the EU’s Common Foreign and
Security Policy, which is particularly important for Serbia.
In conclusion, the authors point out that the EU credibility in the Western Balkans will largely
depend on the successful implementation of everything agreed in the dialogue between Belgrade
and Pristina. As noted in the Agreement, the issue of these relations is fundamental and closely
connected to the context of broader European security. The European Union has assumed a
dominant role in implementing all agreed-upon aspects between Belgrade and Pristina, thereby leaving a realistic possibility that there could be serious consequences for their EU accession
process and the financial aid they are expected to receive
Bosna i Hercegovina u regionalnoj perspektivi: savremeni izazovi regionalne saradnje na Zapadnom Balkanu i aktuelna spoljnopolitička pozicija Bosne i Hercegovine
No full textRat u Ukrajini suštinski je uticao i na prilike na Zapadnom Balkanu i dodatno
stvaranje nestabilnog ambijenta u ovom delu Evrope. Tome doprinosi i činjenica
da postoje brojni nerešeni regionalni i međudržavni problemi u čijoj senci je i
uređivanje odnosa unutar Bosne i Hercegovine, odnosno i njeno pozicioniranje u
regionalnim i transatlantskim odnosima. Zato se Bosna i Hercegovina, kako navodi
autor, nalazi na podužoj „listi čekanja“ drugih započetih i nedovršenih procesa u
regionu, a pre svega odnosa između Beograda i Prištine, ali i zapadnog sprečavanja
evidentnog jačanja ruskog uticaja u Crnoj Gori i Severnoj Makedoniji. Istovremeno,
autor ukazuje i na krizu u sprovođenju ranije nedvosmislene evroatlantske politike
Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i na najbitnije elemente odnosa ove zemlje i njenih suseda
(pre svega Srbije i Hrvatske). Takođe, on podvlači i da se unutrašnji nesporazumi u
okviru Bosne i Hercegovine reflektuju i na njenu poziciju u Berlinskom procesu, kao
predominantnom vidu regionalne saradnje.
Istovremeno, autor analizira i ulogu pre svega Rusije i Kine na Zapadnom Balkanu i
ukazuje koliko to predstavlja problem za potpunu inkorporaciju regiona u zapadne
integracije. On zaključuje i da je nužan novi pristup Evropske unije prema Zapadnom
Balkanu sa nastojanjem da se proces proširenja što pre ubrza. Isto se odnosi i na nova proširenja NATO-a u ovom delu Evrope, naglašavajući pritom objektivno
predominantnu ulogu Sjedinjenih Američkih Država u regionu Zapadnog Balkana