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Event-, politics-, and audience-driven news: A comparison of populism in European media coverage in 2016 and 2017
Get PDFThis chapter focuses on trends in reporting over time. It examines the presence of populist key messages in European newspapers coverage of immigration and commentaries on current political events, at two points in time, spring 2016 and spring 2017. The chapter explores the similarities and differences in the populist content of newspapers between the two periods and identifies a set of extra-media and intra-media explanatory factors contributing to the understanding of the emerging differences in a year-to-year comparison. The findings show that the presence of populism in news and commentaries in some countries is loosely related to actual migration dynamics (see Germany and Greece), whereas in other countries it seems to follow more intensive political debates, although actual immigration is less dramatic (Bulgaria, Poland). There are fewer indications than expected that the populist tendencies in news and commentaries are a reaction to the intensity with which the population views immigration as an important national issue or is dissatisfied with decisions by political elites. Finally, there are strong indications of the great importance of intra-media factors in explaining populism in news and commentary
Problemi odnosa Evropske unije i država kandidata za članstvo i fleksibilno pristupanje kao moguć način oživljavanja politike proširenja
Get PDFRad razmatra problem zastoja u procesu pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja
zemalja Zapadnog Balkana Evropskoj uniji. Osnovne uzroke ovog problema autorka
vidi u samoj prirodi asimetričnog odnosa Evropske unije i pomenutih zemalja u čijem
središtu se nalazi Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja, odnosno pristupanja. Njemu su
doprinele obe strane: Evropska unija preambiciozno postavljenom politikom prema
regionu, nedovoljno definisanim i stalno promenljivim kriterijumima, ali i zemlje u
procesu svojim nekritičkim odnosom prema mogućem članstvu, nejasno definisanim
interesima i ciljevima, sporim reformama i slabom demokratskom tradicijom. Kako
bi proces mogao uspešno da se nastavi, autorka tvrdi da je potrebno njegovo
suštinsko preoblikovanje ka fleksibilnom procesu. U svetlu sve češćih rasprava o
mogućem kretanju evropske integracije ka većoj diferencijaciji, proces fleksibilnog
pristupanja bi omogućio članstvo samo u odabranim oblastima delovanja Evropske
unije, koje bi bile odabrane shodno prethodno jasno definisanim i analiziranim
interesima i mogućnostima zemalja kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata. Autorka
zaključuje da je potrebno proces što više odvojiti od uslovljavanja u političkim
oblastima kako bi se umanjila mogućnost arbitrarnog odlučivanja o napretku ovih
zemalja u procesu. Osim što bi za države kandidate i potencijalne kandidate ovakav
manje zahtevan proces bio jednostavniji i omogućio veću autonomiju u izboru oblasti
integracije i tempu prilagođavanja, za države članice EU bi predstavljao način da se
vrati kredibilitet jednoj od svojih nekada najuspešnijih spoljopolitičkih aktivnosti.
Ključne reči: pristupanje, zastoj, Evropska unija, Zapadni Balkan, fleksibilnost,
diferencirana integracija.The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries’ accession
and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the
very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with
the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. Both sides have contributed
to this problem: the EU with its overambitious approach to the region, vaguely defined
and ever-changing criteria, but also the countries participating in the Process with their
uncritical approach to the possible membership, unclearly defined interests and aims,
slow reforms, and weak democratic tradition. For the process to be successfully
continued, the author discusses the idea of its substantial remodeling towards a flexible
process. In light of the frequent discussions about the possible moving of the European
integration towards more differentiation, the process of flexible association or accession
would enable EU membership only in selected policy areas. The policy areas would be
chosen in accordance with the previously clearly defined and thoroughly analyzed
interests and capabilities of the candidate and potential candidate countries. The author
argues that the association/accession process should be separated as much as possible
from the political conditioning in order to decrease the possibility of taking arbitrary
decisions on whether the countries have advanced in the process or not. For the
Western Balkan countries, this kind of less demanding process would be easier to
accomplish and would allow more autonomy in choosing areas of integration and pace
of accommodation. For the EU member states, it would provide a way to regain the
credibility of its once most successful foreign policy activity
Bosnia and Herzegovina on the uncertain path towards the membership in NATO
No full textU ovom radu autor analizira nakon 2006. godine otpočeti put Bosne i
Hercegovine ka članstvu u Severnoatlantskom savezu. U tom smislu on kroz prizmu
neoklasičnog realizma analizira nastojanja NATO da se i dalje širi na Zapadnom
Balkanu, što se odražava i na Bosnu i Hercegovinu i pored brojnih unutrašnjih
nesaglasnosti po ovom pitanju. Dakle, ovaj put Bosne i Hercegovine u NATO postao
je jedna od glavnih okosnica sukobljavanja između bošnjačkih, srpskih i hrvatskih
nacionalnih elita. Autor posebno ističe insistiranja Sjedinjenih Američkih Država da
se ovaj put Bosne i Hercegovine ka punopravnom članstvu u NATO ubrza, a posebno
nakon prilično iznenadne aktivacije Akcionog plana za članstvo krajem 2018. godine.
Od unutrašnje dinamike odnosa unutar Bosne i Hercegovine će,zaključuje autor, kao
i odnosa susedne Srbije i Hrvatske, umnogome zavisiti i način na koji će se ulazak u
NATOrealizovati. On to posebno ističe imajući u vidu osnaženu ulogu Ruske Federacije
u jednom od entiteta – Republici Srpskoj.The path of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards NATO membership began after
its entry into the Partnership for Peace in November 2006. In just a few years, Bosnia
and Herzegovina has achieved an intensive dialogue with NATO (2008) and the launch
of negotiations on the Membership Action Plan (2010), which was however activated
in December 2018. In the meantime, there have come to a discord between the key
internal political factors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and particularly clear distinction
between the Bosniak and Croat elitesthat unequivocally support NATO membership,
and representatives of Serbs at the state level and the Republic of Srpska who are
currently againstit. Moreover, inOctober 2017,the National Assembly ofthe Republic
of Srpska took a stand by which it proclaimed the military neutrality of this entity and
in that regard insisted on consultations with the neighboring state – the Republic of
Serbia. However, in March 2018, the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted
a five-yearstrategic foreign policy document which stipulatesthat NATO membership
is one of its foreign policy foundations. This document only added to the confusion
regarding BiH’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Following the
general elections held in October 2018, this issue has now posed a specific problem
over the formation of the Council of Ministers.
Neighbors of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro have different
opinions concerning the possibility of membership of this country in NATO.
Accordingly, Croatia declaratively expresses support and emphasizes its interest in
integrating BiH into NATOto prevent cross-bordersecurity challenges. Serbian officials
are quite restrained about BiH’s entry into NATO,saying that thisshould be the result
of the compromise of the elites of the three constituent nations.
The global race between the United States and the Russian Federation represents a
turning point in terms of BiH’s membership in NATO. The United States strongly
supports this process, believing that it will secure the post-conflict Western Balkans
project, while Russia retains the explicit position that any new enlargement poses a
problem for its securit
To exclude or not to exclude, that is the question. Developments regarding bases for exclusion from refugee status in the EU
Get PDFIn this Article, the author presents and explains the current normative framework in EU law about the
exclusion from refugee status based on the premise that a person is not deserving of refugee status.
This article is directed at clarifying the present content of the legislation in force and the caselaw of
the Court of Justice of the European Union that further elaborates on this issue. The Commission’s recent
proposal for new legislation is also scrutinized, in order to present a possible evolution of the exclusion
provision
Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1
Get PDFTe main purpose of the paper is to objectively analyze geopolitical and geoeconomic
position of Hungary within the China + 16 Central and Eastern European countries
(“16+1”) framework of cooperation. We will do this by using the content method analyses,
interviews with relevant experts in the field and approaches which stem from geopolitical
and geoeconomic thoughts. Primary data sources will be the official documents released
and/or bilaterally signed by China, Hungary, European Union (EU) and the guidelines
of the “16+1”. Te second source will be academic and other publications that are related
to the proposed subject. Te paper shall consist of three parts. Te first part will tackle
Chinese reasons for pursuing multilateralism and regionalism in foreign policy, as a new
understanding of security architecture, geopolitical balance of power, and geoeconomic
distribution of wealth. Inevitably, we must analyze the Hungarian perception of institutional and international order which China builds independently from the American
one. Te second part will tackle the process of ‘ frameworking’ of the “16+1”. Analyzing the
Hungarian position within the “16+1”, we will understand what kind of tools China uses
to achieve its goals among Central and Eastern European Countries. Simultaneously,
this can be helpful to see if and how China is imposing the “wall” in the Old continent.
Te third part will be dedicated to the Hungarian possibilities to use the trade and investment opportunities that China offers. Hungary, as an EU member state, must respect EU
regulations which stipulate a different kind of business culture than pursued by China.
In this part we will combine Chinese, Hungarian, V4’s and the point of view of the EU
Communicating power and resistance in democratic decline: the 2015 smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman
No full textThe chapter explores diverging implications of global democratic decline for public communication in new and old democracies. It draws on empirical evidence from a government-sponsored smear campaign against Serbia’s ombudsman between January and May 2015, including data from quantitative and qualitative analyses of print and electronic media and of Twitter content and from semi-structured interviews with key political, civil society and media actors. The analyses of the main arenas of conflict showed the prevalence of emotions and personal beliefs, as opposed to evidence, in public debates, just like in old democracies. It also revealed, however, a much broader repertoire of strategic deception and authoritarian manipulation, which resulted in sharp polarization in public discourse, systematic violations of press freedom and political competition, and a sharply declining quality of journalism
Journalists' perceptions of populism and the media: A cross-national study based on semi-structured interviews
No full textThis chapter for the first time shows how journalists react to populist politicians and movements and what they think about them. It examines the reactions of journalists in serious and popular media to the presence of populism in 13 countries. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with around 50 journalists, the chapter explores popular definitions of populism; reasons for popularity; issues related to populism; consequences of populism; and perceptions of media support for populism. The research shows that while journalists do not agree on a single definition of populism, they see the phenomenon as a negative force with detrimental consequences for European democracies. Journalists identify a number of reasons for the rise of populism; most often mentioned are immigration and economic issues, alongside the effective communication of populist politicians. There are no strong regional patterns of perceptions of populism nor systematic differences between journalists from different types of media outlets. Rather, there are commonalities in more general perceptions of populism that cross nations and differences in more specific questions that point to the relevance of specific national experiences, situations, and circumstances
Europeanisation and indirect resistance: Serbian police and Pride Parades
No full textSerbia's Europeanisation, including police reform in accordance with European policing standards, has been far from smooth. A case in point has been the lasting inability of the Serbian government and its police forces to protect the freedom of public assembly of Serbia's lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex, queer (LGBTIQ) community. In this article we investigate the role of the police in the organisation of Pride Parades between 2001 and 2013. Although the police was unable to openly challenge the freedom of public assembly, strongly insisted upon by the European Union (EU) and also guaranteed by domestic law, it nevertheless practiced three forms of indirect resistance: 'hypersecuritisation', 'technical obstructions' and 'responsibility transfer'. The analysis of the role of Serbia's police in the unsuccessful organisation of Pride Parades provides us with unique insights into how Europeanisation is contested and resisted not necessarily at the level of the official discourse but rather at the level of practice