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North Macedonia and its Neighbours: Challenges and Perspectives
No full textIn this paper, the author has analysed the perspectives of Macedonia’s
new foreign policy concept regarding its neighbours since the second
half of 2017. Therefore, he points to Macedonia’s numerous bilateral
issues, primarily about its name with neighbouring Greece. The paper
also includes a review of other open issues with Bulgaria and Albania,
which jeopardize its path towards the EU and NATO membership.
The signing of two crucial bilateral agreements with Bulgaria (2017)
and Greece (2018) has significantly changed its foreign policy position
and accelerated the realization of its Euro-Atlantic perspective.
Additionally, Macedonia has improved relations with Albania and
Kosovo. Although the relations with Serbia have oscillated, they
cannot, in general, be labelled as bad.
The author concludes that the determination of the new Macedonian
political elite to resolve the accumulated bilateral issues with its
neighbours is very significant in the broader regional context. It also
represents a stimulus for the rest of the Western Balkans
Riding the wave of distrust and alienation - New parties in Serbia after 2008
Get PDFSerbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation
Neurotični poremećaj kod mladih u postmodernom društvu - sociološki i psihološki aspekti
Get PDFThe paper will discuss the impacts of socio-economic and psychological factors on the neurotic disorder in young population: the way it is manifested in the current socio-cultural context in Serbia. This phenomenon will be presented through a reinterpretation of classical, as well as sociological and psychological theories, based on the idea of social constructivism, seen through the prism of the transformation processes of Serbian society. The aim of the paper is to present the elements and mechanisms by which the postmodern society constructs a social reality, which also changes the meaning and nature of the manifestation of neurosis among young people. In methodological terms, in addition on the aforementioned theoretical concepts, the analysis also relies on Moreno's role theory, psychodrama and sociodrama. In this paper, we will present the basic psychodrama and sociodrama methods and techniques as well as the advantages of their practical application in the treatment of neurotic disorders in young population. Neurotic disorders in youth will be interpreted through various types of social and psychological transitions: 1. transition into adulthood; 2. transition from mental illness to health; 3. socio-economic transition and its consequences for young people in Serbia. In the first part of the paper, the focus is on interpreting the relationship between the postmodern self, the adolescent crisis, and the neurotic disorder. The second part represents the ways in which psychodrama and sociodrama can be practically applied in the treatment of young people with neurotic symptomatology. In the conclusion, we emphasized the advantages of using psychodrama and sociodrama for the purpose of prevention and treatment of the neurotic disorders in young population which is a responsibility not only of the individual and his/ her family, but of the society as a whole.U radu će se razmatrati uticaj socio-ekonomskih i psiholoških činilaca na neurotični poremećaj, kakav se u sadašnjem socio-kulturnom kontekstu manifestuje kod mladih u Srbiji. Ovaj fenomen biće prikazan kroz reinterpretaciju klasičnih i novijih socioloških i psiholoških teorija koje počivaju na ideji socijalnog konstruktivizma, posmatran kroz prizmu transformacijskih procesa kroz koje prolazi srpsko društvo. Cilj rada je da se predstave elementi i mehanizmi kojim postmoderno društvo konstruiše društvenu realnost, čime se menja i samo značenje i priroda manifestacije neuroze kod mladih. U metodološkom smislu, analiza se oslanja, osim na spomenute teorijske koncepte, i na Morenovu teoriju uloga, psihodramu i sociodramu. U radu će biti predstavljene bazične psihodramske i sociodramske metode i tehnike, kao i značaj njihove praktične primene u radu sa neurotičnim poremećajem kod mladih. Neurotični poremećaj kod mladih tumačiće se kroz različite vrste socijalnih i psiholoških tranzicija: Ad.1. Tranziciju u odraslost; Ad.2. Tranziciju od bolesti ka zdravlju; Ad.3 Socio-ekonomsku tranziciju i njene posledice po mlade u Srbiji. Fokus u prvom delu rada je na tumačenju veze između postmodernog selfa, adolescentne krize i neurotičnog poremećaja. Drugi deo rada ukazuje na prednosti praktične primene psihodrame i sociodrame u radu sa mladima sa neurotskom simptomatologijom. U zaključku, istaknute su prednosti primene psihodrame i sociodrame u prevenciji i tretmanu neurotičnog poremećaja kod mladih, što predstavlja odgovornost, ne samo pojedinca i njegove porodice, već i društva u celini
Populizam kao politička logika - slučaj izbora za Evropski parlament 2019
Get PDFThe American presidential elections and the Brexit referendum have popularized the term populism in the public. This paper seeks to use populism as a neutral operational category, as a political logic, which is open to use by various actors from different ideological positions. In the case of the European elections, using discourse analysis, this work claims that representatives from all parties use populism, albeit of differing content. These populisms are named here as: left, national and euro-populism. This paper concludes that the opening of the political space for all three versions is necessary and that they are not ephemeral phenomena.Američki predsednički izbori i Brexit referendum popularizovali su termin populizam u javnosti. Ovaj rad nastoji da populizam primeni kao neutralnu operativnu kategoriju, kao političku logiku, koja je otvorena za upotrebu od strane raznih aktera sa raznih ideoloških pozicija. Na primeru izbora za Evropski parlament, upotrebom analize diskursa, u radu se iznosi tvrdnja da se predstavnici svih stranaka koriste populizmom, premda različite sadržine. Ti populizmi su ovde imenovani kao levi, nacional i evro-populizam. U radu se iznosi zaključak da je otvaranje političkog prostora za sve tri vrste populista nužno, te da oni nisu prolazni fenomeni
The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)
Get PDFThe paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes "Jugoslavia" (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge "Jugoslavia" maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY's grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic's three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described
Supervision of employees within alternative care of children and youths in the system of social welfare
Get PDFSupervizija je značajna za sprovođenje i unapređenje profesionalnog rada u sistemu socijalne zaštite, pružanje kvalitetnih usluga korisnicima i dalji razvoj vladinog i nevladinog sektora u ovoj oblasti. Ciljevi rada su: a) analiza ključnih funkcija i aspekata supervizije u okviru socijalne zaštite, i b) analiza zakonskih regulativa i istraživanja supervizije u ustanovama za alternativno staranje o deci i mladima Republike Srbije (RS). Daje se pregled funkcija supervizije u socijalnoj zaštiti. Ukazuje se na kompetencije uspešnog supervizora kao važan aspekat supervizijskog rada i na gledište socijalnog konstruktivizma na interekciju između superviziranog i supervizanta. Važeći Pravilnik o bližim uslovima i standardima pružanja usluga u socijalnoj zaštiti predviđa da pružalac usluge obezbeđuje odgovarajuću stručnu podršku svim licima angažovanim na pružanju usluge koja uključuje superviziju. Međutim, regulativa koja dalja uređuju realizaciju supervizije alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima uglavnom nedostaje, sa izuzetkom Centra za porodični smeštaj i usvojenje Beograd. Zanemarivanje supervizije u podzakonskim aktima dovodi do različitih tumačenja i slabe primene u praksi. Supervizija alternativnog staranja o deci i mladima malo je istražena u svetu, a kod nas još manje. O njoj više posredno zaključujemo na osnovu istraživanja u širem ili u srodnom kontekstu. Radi unapređenja i ujednačavanja kvaliteta supervizije, potrebno je zakonski regulisati obavezno sprovođenje supervizije u okviru svih oblika alternativnog staranja i definisati poslove i kompetencije supervizora, kao i podstaći istraživanja supervizije u ovoj oblasti. Interesantno bi bilo istražiti supervizijski odnos između savetnika za hraniteljstvo i hranitelja, i između stručnih radnika i korisnika usluga.Supervision is important for the implementation and promo-
tion of professional work in the social welfare system, the provision
of quality services to beneficiaries and the further development
of governmental and non-governmental sectors in the area. The
aims of the article are: a) analysis of key functions and aspects of
supervision within social welfare system, and b) analysis of legal
regulations and researches of supervision in the institutions for
alternative care of children and youth of the Republic of Serbia
(RS)
Small states’ marginality constellations and the challenges to the Europeanisation of the Western Balkans in the last decade
No full textBy focusing on the Western Balkans, this paper asks two questions: first, how small states that are both EU members and candidates for membership understand their role within this normatively powered order and, second, what their roles and agency mean for the order they are socialised into via democratic norms. The notions of hierarchies and orders are conceptualised in this paper as processes of norm diffusion and understood within the socialisation of democratic norms, which, according to the literature, can be institutionalised, rejected, or modified locally. First, I argue that such measurements can help us understand how the EU’s practices shape the broader understanding of its actorness in normative and strategic terms toward the Western Balkans. Second, I scrutinise national strategies related to the processes of state-building, security, economy, and society to demonstrate how Serbia and Croatia present their agency as supporting and affirming of the prevalent conception of order in norm localisation, or being more critical of it in the process of localised norm contestation. Third, the effects of EU approaches that provide more tactical and technical views of Europeanisation, rather than (a strategic) full thrust on enlargement, are discussed in the conclusion by bringing the comparative insights together and parsing them by means of the shelter theory for small states
Render unto Caesar: Explaining Political Dimension of the Autocephaly Demands in Ukraine and Montenegro
No full text
Pristupanje Evropske unije Konvenciji za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda Saveta Evrope - stagniranje procesa kao rezultat mišljenja 2/13 suda pravde Evropske unije
Get PDFThis paper deals with the issue of the European Union (EU) accession to the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) which has become one of the most discussed issues since obligatory Opinion 2/13 of the European Court of Justice (CJEU). Besides, this Opinion 2/13 concluded that the Draft Agreement on the EU Accession to the ECHR is not in accordance with article 2, paragraph 2 of the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and therefore is unlawful judging by EU law. The paper firstly outlines the characteristics of existing mechanisms for the protection of human rights established by the EU and the Council of Europe (CoE). Secondly, it briefly explains the evolution of the idea of the EU accession to the EU in order to help to understand the complexity of this process. Thirdly, the paper provides a comprehensive assessment of the Opinion 2/13 of the Court of Justice and together with the opposite views on Opinion created by Advocate General Kokott and certain academics, ensures the apprehension of failure of the EU in human rights protection. Finally, concluding remarks will explain two possibilities of potential EU and CoE actions regarding the ECHR accession based on article 218 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU. One is to amend the TEU in a way that the accession of the EU is not anymore an obligation stemming from the article 6 TEU. The other solution should require a joint decision of 47 member states of the CoE, unanimously approved by the European Council, ratification within the European Parliament and agreement on every point stated in the negative Opinion 2/13 of the CoJ. Both possibilities represent a set of political decisions that currently seems impossible due to the political situation in Europe and the EU. The author additionally suggests that the member states of the EU should sustain from the CoJ decision on accession and take individual actions concerning the protection of human rights even though this may lead to the infringement procedures within the EU. In the end, the conclusion will answer to inquiries such as what the EU accession to the ECHR would bring to the individuals in the human rights protection order and why this is not compatible with the CoJ preferences. Furthermore, negative opinions towards the CoJ decision stated by the academic community and EU citizens, support a critical opinion of this paper and brace common conclusion stating that Opinion 2/13 is the evidence that the CoJ primarily shows concerns regarding EU supremacy and not the protection of human rights.Rad se bavi pristupanjem Evropske unije (EU) Konvenciji za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda (Konvencija) Saveta Evrope, koje kao problem postaje još zastupljenije u akademskim debatama nakon negativnog Mišljenja 2/13 Suda pravde Evropske unije (SPEU) o usklađenosti Nacrta sporazuma o pristupanju EU Konvenciji sa primarnim pravom EU. Ovim radom daje se pregled postojećih mehanizama zaštite ljudskih prava EU i SE, i njihovih osobenosti, a zatim se predstavlja razvojni put ideje o pristupanju EU Konvenciji. Naredni deo rada daje prikaz Mišljenja 2/13 u kome se kroz pet odeljaka obrazlaže neusklađenost Nacrta sporazuma o pristupanju sa Konvencijom, a zatim zajedno sa suprotstavljenim argumentima Opšte pravo zastupnice Kokot i akademskih kritičara pruža celokupna slika o suštini i kompleksnosti procesa pristupanja EU Konvenciji. Takvim kritičkim pregledom prikazuju se nedostaci i nekoherentnost institucionalnog sistema EUu nastojanju da očuva i zaštiti sistem ljudskih prava.U zaključnom delu rada predlažu se tri moguća pravca na daljem putu EU ka Konvenciji. Jedan od pravaca tiče se izmene člana 6 stava 2 Ugovora o EU kojim pristupanje EU Konvenciji više ne bi bila obaveza. Drugi pravac tiče se izmena Nacrta sporazuma o pristupanju EUKonvenciji za koji je neophodna saglasnost 47 država članica SE, jednoglasnost Evropskog saveta, ratifikacija u Evropskom parlamentu, kao i otklanjanje nedostataka izloženih u Mišljenju 2/13.Ijedan i drugi pravac predstavljaju skup teških političkih odluka, ali i jedine propisane mogućnosti članom 218 Ugovora o funkcionisanju EU. Kao treći pravac, i najmanje moguć, predlaže se tzv. neposlušnost država članica suprotstavljanjem Mišljenju SPEU u svojim pojedinačnim akcijama, sa ciljem zaštite ljudskih prava i borbe protiv politizacije procesa pristupanja EU Konvenciji. U zaključnom delu rada navodi se šta bi pristupanje EU pružilo pojedincu kao jedinki koja je osnov zaštite u Konvenciji, nasuprot kritičkom osvrtu na Mišljenje 2/13 kojim se kao osnov zaštite ističe suprematija EU prava i SPEU. Posledično, pitanje pristupanja EU Konvenciji ocenjuje se kao irelevantno u sistemu zaštite ljudskih prava EU, s obzirom na nivo stagniranja samog procesa kao rezultat Mišljenja 2/13