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Uzlet Zelenih na izborima za Evropski parlament 2019. godine
Get PDFIn this paper we examine the reasons of the green parties' electoral success in the European Parliament elections held in May 2019. The claim made in the paper is that the success of the Greens is due to a number of complex factors. Firstly, the EP 2019 elections showcased a dynamic relationship between the electoral success of the Greens and the "new right" parties, especially in the case of Germany. Theoretically, we rely on the Pierre Ignazi's argument that there is a correlation between the results of the green and the new right parties. Secondly, we argue that the Greens' partial success is due to the intensification of the debate on climate change and the particular mobilization of younger voters. Finally, we stress out the possibility for the further strengthening of the new right parties if the Greens do not channel the electoral "take-off" into a political success by the next EP elections.U radu se ispituju razlozi izbornog uspeha zelenih partija na majskim evropskim parlamentarnim izborima 2019. godine. Iznosimo tvrdnju da je njihov uspeh posledica više složenih faktora. Pre svega, da je na majskim izborima 2019. godine uočen dinamički odnos između rezultata Zelenih i stranaka "nove desnice", naročito u slučaju Nemačke. Preuzima se teorijska argumentacija Pjera Injacija da su zelene partije i stranke nove desnice u korelaciji. Potom, autorka obrazlaže stav da je delimičan uspeh Zelenih posledica intenziviranja rasprave o klimatskim promenama i naročite mobilizacije mlađih glasača. Konačno, ukazuje se na mogućnost jačanja nove desnice do sledećih izbora za EP, ukoliko Zeleni ne budu kanalisali izborni "uzlet" u politički uspeh
Evropski izbori - rezultati, poruke i pouke
Get PDFIn theoretical analysis and political debates about the "destiny of the EU experiment" there is a sort of general stance or political mantra about the democratic deficit of the EU institutions including the European Parliament, which is considered just a surrogate of a parliament with few competencies. Consequently, the elections for the EP were treated, for decades now, as SEC-ond class "test" elections for the national elections which are considered as the only relevant. in the paper we advocate that parallel processes of widen-ing the competencies of the EP and re-politicization as well as re-ideologiza-tion of political agenda that includes key issues of technological and climate change, economic crisis and deep inequalities as well as national (migrant) identities -the issues too wide for national political arena, even according to Europhobes -caused emergence of specific and significant European po-litical space. all this, combined with the raising of the right-wing populism and open question about the destiny of European political architecture after Brexit, led to the increased interest of voters for the European elections.U teorijskim analizama i političkim raspravama o "sudbini EU eksperimenta" neka vrsta opšteg mesta ili političke mantre je stav o demokratskom deficitu EU institucija, uključiv i Evropski parlament za koji je važila ocena da se radi tek o surogatu parlamenta sa tek prigodnim ovlašćenjima. Posledično, izbori za EP su decenijama tretirani kao drugorazredni "test" izbori za jedino relevantne, nacionalne izbore. U ovom radu zagovaramo tezu da su paralelni procesi širenja ovlašćenja EP i repolitizacije čak i reideologizacije političke agende na kojoj su se našla ključna pitanja tehnoloških i klimatskih promena, ekonomske i duboke krize nejednakosti i nacionalnih (i migrantskih) identiteta, za koja su i po evrofobima nacionalne političke arene preuzak okvir, uslovile nastanak specifičnog i važnog evropskog političkog prostora. Uz konjunkturne faktore, poput rasta desnog populizma i otvorenog pitanja preispitivanja same sudbine evropske političke arhitekture nakon Bregzita, sve je to za posledicu imalo i obnovu interesa birača za evropske izbore
Prividni parlament ili politička arena?
Get PDFThe main position of the article is that the last parliamentary election of the EU took place under the sign of politicization of significant pubic policies issues. Electoral campaign demonstrated the polarization of actors along the systemic/nonsystemic viewpoints line, i.e. programmes. The election outcomes show the fragmentation of the prosystemic party groups, as well as a relative strengthening of the nosystemic groups. Due to this fragmentation, it is expected that at least three party groups would be sufficient to achieving a decision, whereas for crucial decisions all four would be required. The Parliament has for the first time got majority and opposition; such clear division could dynamize its work. The author, however, considers that that EP has a principle problem with its own representation capacity; the permanent declination of the turnout is a significant indicator. The inclining turnout percentage at the last election (7%) is the consequence of the public scene polarization process within the member states, as well as at the EU level. It will not change constitutionally weak position of the EP within the EU system of government; however, the new EP composition might be a medium of necessary public debate on the crisis exit path.Zastupa se stav da su poslednji izbori za Evropski parlament prošli u znaku politizacije pitanja iz oblasti značajnih evropskih javnih politika. izborna kampanja pokazala je polarizaciju učesnika po liniji sistemska/nesistemska stanovišta, tj. programi. Po rezultatima izbora, došlo je do fragmentacije pro-sistemskih stranačkih grupacija i relativnog jačanja grupacija koje zahtevaju dublje promene sistema. Zbog te fragmentacije za očekivati je da će u pribavljanju većina za parlamentarne odluke biti potrebne tri, a za važnije odluke i sve četiri prosistemske grupacije. Parlament je prvi put dobio većinu i opoziciju, što će dinamizovati njegov rad. inače, autor smatra da EP ima načelan problem sa svojim predstavljačkim kapacitetom, o čemu svedoči stalno opadajući trend izlaznosti. na poslednjim izborima povećani procenat izlaznosti (7%) posledica je procesa politizacije javne scene u državama članicama i u Evropskoj uniji kao celini. To neće promeniti ustavno slab položaj Parlamenta u sistemu vlasti, ali novi sastav EP može biti medijum potrebne javne debate o putevima izlaska iz krize
Work-related burnout syndrome in special education teachers working with children with developmental disorders - possible correlations with some socio-demographic aspects and assertiveness
No full textThe aim of this research was to examine the levels of burnout syndrome dimensions in special education teachers and correlations with some socio-demographic characteristics, job characteristics, and levels of assertiveness. The research included 225 special education teachers from Serbia (82% were women, 18% were men, with the average age of 42.51 +/- 9.23 years). Research instruments included Maslach Burnout Inventory, Rathus Assertiveness Schedule, and a socio-demographic questionnaire. There were differences in all burnout dimensions in relation to types of students' special needs. Higher levels of burnout symptoms were observed in teachers working with children with motor skill disorders. The assertiveness scores had a significant negative correlation with emotional exhaustion and depersonalisation, and a positive correlation with a lack of accomplishment. The results obtained may help in the planning of the adequate preventative measures for improving the mental health of those professionals
Understanding the marginality constellations of small states: Serbia, Croatia, and the crisis of EU-Russia relations
No full textUnderstanding the contemporary identity-role construction of small states in South-East Europe is closely linked to the process of reshaping the relative geometry of regional influence of the EU-centre and its powerful marginal actors. This has become increasingly obvious since 2008 with the unraveling of the global economic crisis, Russia's revived influence in the region, and the crisis of EU enlargement - processes that are usually perceived as challenges to the prevalent European conception of order. This paper seeks to explore the interaction of more powerful actors from both the European center' and its 'margins' with the small states on the South-East margin, by developing the framework that builds on Noel Parker's theory of 'positive marginality' and the updated 'constellation theory' by Hans Mouritzen and Anders Wivel. Theoretically, I propose the concepts of 'marginality constellation', 'thin' and 'thick' margins, to understand how small states frame their understanding of agency in world politics more broadly. Empirically, the paper delves into Croatia's and Serbia's foreign policies from 2014 on, to illustrate how the two countries manage their foreign policy identity narratives to respond to the shifting geopolitical centre-margin discourses of the EU and Russia in light of the crisis in Ukraine
"Who Should Care about Our Children?": Public Childcare Policy in Yugoslav Socialism and Its Serbian Aftermath
No full textThis study explores public childcare policies in socialist Yugoslavia and their postsocialist transformation in Serbia. Focusing on gender regimes of the state provided childcare, we examine how they reflect ideology of availability of public childcare facilities-creches and kindergartens. Basing our work on archival sources, interviews, and ethnographic material, we show that despite the socialist state's ideology of gender equality, women continued to be primary caregivers, while the female kinship networks acted as an additional safety net due to unavailability of childcare facilities. This article reveals long-term patterns of childcare practices, only slightly altered with the fall of socialism
Monitoring media pluralism in Europe: Application of the Media Pluralism Monitor 2017 in the European Union, FYROM, Serbia & Turkey : Country Report: Serbia
Get PDFThe Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) is a research tool that was designed to identify potential risks to media pluralism in the Member States of the European Union. This narrative report has been produced within the framework of the second EU-wide implementation of the MPM, carried out in 2017. The implementation was conducted in 28 EU Member States, Serbia, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRoM) and Turkey with the support of a grant awarded by the European Union to the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF) at the European University Institute
Kontinuitet vanjske politike Crne Gore od 1997. godine: uspjesi i izazovi
No full textDvije decenije savremene vanjske politike Crne Gore pokazuju koliko
je bitno, kada je u pitanju međunarodno pozicioniranje jedne zemlje, osloboditi se
mitomanije, megalomanije i iracionalnog sagledavanja realnosti i aktuelnih procesa u savremenom svijetu. U tom kontekstu autor analizira koliko je iniciranje i sprovođenje evroatlantske koncepcije Crne Gore nakon 1997. godine još u okviru bivše
Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, a od 2003. do 2006. godine u nekadašnjoj Državnoj
zajednici Srbije i Crne Gore, uopšte bilo realno i ostvarivo usljed sve evidentnijih razmimoilaženja sa zvaničnom Srbijom. No značajniju dinamiku uključivanja Crne Gore u savremeni međunarodni poredak ova država započinje tek nakon pune obnove
državnosti, maja 2006. godine. S tim u vezi autor naglašava da se Crna Gora valjano
uklopila u aktuelne regionalne, evropske i svjetske okvire, te da je zahvaljujući strateškom partnerstvu sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uspjela da postane članica
NATO-a 5. juna 2017. godine. Ovo predstavlja svakako kapitalni dobitak njene dvije decenije promovisane vanjske politike. Autor ukazuje na činjenicu da se ubrzavaju procesi pridruživanja Crne Gore Evropskoj uniji, kao i na to da ona u zapadnobalkanskom kontekstu ima najkvalitetnije odnose sa svojim susjedima na bilateralnom
i multilateralnom planu. Takođe, on ukazuje i na glavne tendencije bilateralnih odnosa Crne Gore sa pojedinim uticajnim svjetskim državama, ali i na njeno učešće u
međunarodnim organizacijama.Two decades of the contemporary foreign policy of Montenegro show how important for the international positioning of one country is to put an end to mythomania, megalomania and an irrational perception of reality and the current processes in the modern world.
In this context, the author analyses the extent to which the initiation and implementation of the Euro-Atlantic concept of Montenegro was realistic and achievable
in the increasingly evident disagreements with official Serbia after 1997 while still
within the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and then from 2003 to 2006 while
a part of the former State Union of Serbia and Montenegro.
However, a significant dynamic of inclusion of Montenegro into the modern international order started after the full restoration of its statehood in May 2006. In
this regard, the author emphasizes that Montenegro adequately blended in within
the current regional, European and world frames. Besides, due to the old partnership
with the United States of America, it managed to become a member of NATO on 5
June 2017. This, without question, represented the capital gain from the two-decades-
-long promotion of its foreign policy.
The author also points to the acceleration of the accession process of Montenegro to the European Union, as well as the fact that it has the highest-quality relations
with its neighbours in the Western Balkans context on a bilateral and multilateral
level. In addition, he draws attention to the main tendencies of Montenegro’s bilateral relations with the emerging influential world states, but also to its participation in
international organizations
Foreign policy positioning of Montenegro after the regaining of independence in 2006
No full textNekoliko mjeseci nakon što je obnovila nezavisnost, država Crna Gora
je ujedno otpočela proces (re)definisanja svojih spoljnopolitičkih prioriteta i ciljeva
(„Spoljnopolitički/Vanjskopolitički prioriteti”, Vlada Crne Gore, novembar 2006).
Uistinu, njeni su spoljnopolitički prioriteti i unutar bivše Savezne Republike Jugoslavije
(od 1997. do 2003), a potom i Državne zajednice Srbija i Crna Gora (2003–2006), bili vezani dominantno za evroatlantske integracije. No Crna Gora je nakon 2006. godine, kao teritorijalno relativno mala mediteranska i (zapadno)balkanska država odredila tri suštinska spoljnopolitička prioriteta, čija bi implementacija trebalo da rezultira poboljšanjem njenog međunarodnog položaja.
S tim u vezi, u njenom strateškom spoljnopolitičkom dokumentu ponajprije je
navedena težnja ka članstvu države u Evropskoj uniji i Sjevernoatlantskom savezu, a
na regionalnoj ravni odnosa i potpuna konsolidacija i normalizacija odnosa sa susjednim državama. Crna Gora je, takođe, u navedenom desetogodišnjem vremenskom
razdoblju uspjela da osnaži svoje strateško partnerstvo sa Sjedinjenim Američkim
Državama, ali i izgradi kvalitetne bilateralne odnose sa državama Evropske unije
(Savezna Republika Njemačka, Velika Britanija, Francuska i susjedna Italija). Osnažena
uloga Crne Gore na spoljnopolitičkom planu pokazala se i u njenom učešću u radu
međunarodnih organizacija, a posebno u okviru Savjeta Evrope i Organizacije za
evropsku bezbjednost i saradnju.
Kada se en générale sagleda deset godina sprovođenja aktuelne spoljnopolitičke
koncepcije Crne Gore, može se uočiti značajan napredak u njenom repozicioniranju
u regionalnim, evropskim i globalnim okvirima. Treba napomenti i da je u implementaciji definisanih prioriteta Crna Gora vidno napredovala u pregovorima sa Evropskom unijom (status kandidata stečen je 2010. godine), i da je na Zapadnom Balkanu ona
predvodnik procesa evropskih integracija. Pored ovoga, Crna Gora je uspjela da u
okviru savremenih sistema kolektivne bezbjednosti svoje mjesto pronađe u skorašnjem članstvu u Sjevernoatlantskom savezu (NATO). Takođe, Crna Gora je ponajviše od svih postjugoslovenskih država uspjela da postigne i u rješavanju preostalih
otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja sa svojim susjedima i da doprinese širem procesu
evropeizacije ovog regiona, koji je opterećen brojnim latentnim i manifestnim napetostima i bezbjednosnim izazovima.Several months after regaining its independence, the state of Montenegro has also initiated the process of (re) defining its foreign policy priorities and goals („Foreign policy priorities,” the Government of Montenegro, November 2006). In fact, its
foreign policy priorities were tied to the dominant Euro-Atlantic integrations within the former Republic of Yugoslavia (1997–2003) and then within the State Union of
Serbia and Montenegro (2003–2006). After 2006, Montenegro as a territorially relatively small Mediterranean and (Western) Balkan state defined three essential foreign policy priorities. The implementation of these priorities should result in an improvement of its international position.
In this regard, in its strategic foreign policy document, the tendency towards
membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance is emphasized.
At the regional relations level is emphasized the full consolidation and normalization
of relations with neighboring countries. Montenegro has also managed to strengthen
its strategic partnership with the United States in the above-mentioned ten-year period, but also to build quality bilateral relations with the European Union (Federal Republic of Germany, Great Britain, France and neighboring Italy). The strengthened
role of Montenegro on the foreign policy plan has also been shown in its participation in the work of international organizations, especially within the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
When we look at ten years of implementation of the current foreign policy concept of Montenegro in general, we can observe significant progress in its repositioning in regional, European and global frameworks
Dragoljub Jovanović and Spanish Civil War
No full textДрагољуб Јовановић је још од формирања шпанског Народног фронта са великим занимањем пратио догађања у Шпанији. Са избијањем грађанског рата, његово интересовање се још више интензивира, што је довело до тога да као изасланик српских парламентараца 1938. године и проведе десет дана у ратом опустошеној Шпанији. О томе је оставио два комплементарна сведочанства, која пружају један нешто другачији поглед на Шпански грађански рат и југословенске добровољце у њему. У својим анализама узрока и последица рата Јовановић показује изузетну проницљивост и аналитички дар, мада су његови текстови често обојени политичким ставовима које је заступао. Инсистирао је на томе да је „шпанска дилема“; која се поставља пред цео свет, избор не између фашизма и комунизма, већ између фашизма и демократије.Dragoljub Jovanović closely followed situation in Spain ever since Popular Front was
established in this country. His interest in it becomes even greater with the beginning of
the Spanish Civil War. It has lead him to Spain, where he had spent ten days in 1938 as
a representative of Serbian parliamentarians. He had left us two complementary
accounts from this journey, which provide somewhat unusual view of the Spanish Civil
War and Yugoslav volunteers. He shows great perspicacity and gift for political
analysis in his musings on the causes and consequences of the war, although his
writings are frequently colored by his own political views. He insisted that the “Spanish
dilemma”, which the world was facing, is not between fascism and communism, but
between fascism and democracy