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    Domestic Violence against Immigrant Women in Transit - The Case of Serbia

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    The focus of the paper is on domestic violence against immigrant women during the transit and stay in Serbia, on their way from MENA countries(1) to the European Union. The objective is to present and analyze the phenomenon. It is contextualized within a theoretical framework of intersections between domestic violence, migration and the crisis and consideration of migration from MENA countries flowing through Serbia, as a part of the Western Balkan's Route, with an emphasis on immigrant women. This is followed by the scrutinisation of domestic violence against immigrant women in Serbia - its occurrence and reporting, along with the author's reflections thereof. Main conclusions point to the importance of preventive and empowering strategies directed towards immigrant women. Challenges to that are numerous: some stem from under-performance of services aimed at prevention and empowerment of women who are victims of domestic violence in Serbia in general, and some are related to the factors specific for the situation of immigrant women

    Predmet i priroda patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim društvima

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    The subject of this doctoral dissertation is the ground of patriotic allegiance in plural liberal-democratic societies. In this work I explore the normative scope of the three most influential theoretical approaches to patriotism: liberal nationalism, new republicanism and constitutional patriotism. I argue that, in a multicultural context, a normatively justified conception of patriotic allegiance must rest on an extended understanding of equality that includes equality in belonging to the political community. Equality in belonging exists when every citizen, on an equal basis and independently of her particular identities, can experience the state she inhabits as her political home. The work is consisted of seven chapters. In the first chapter, I propose that patriotism should be defined as a form of allegiance expressed through care for the welfare of the patria and compatriots. Patriotic allegiance is then analytically divided into two parts: the object and nature of allegiance. Below is an overview of the historical genesis of the patriotic ethos through the following epochs: ancient Greece, ancient Rome, early Christianity, feudalism, the period of absolute monarchies and the age of the nation state. I ascertain that patriotism has sunk into nationalist discourse with the emergence of the nation state. The second chapter is devoted to ethical debates on patriotism. Ethical debates on the moral status of special ties are responsible for the return of patriotism to the sphere of academic study. I first divide ethical arguments in favor of patriotism in two groups: the consequentialist and non- consequentialist, and then I reconsider them in detail through the model of assigned responsibilities, the theory of fair play and gratitude, the theory of natural duties, and the Kantian theory. In the third chapter, I reflect on the place of patriotic allegiance in the liberal-communal debate. I pay special attention to the communal arguments of the unencumbered self, the social thesis and moral education. In the fourth chapter, I analyze the object and nature of patriotic allegiance in the theories of liberal nationalism. I affirm that the ethnic component of the national identity prevents the object of patriotic allegiance to be equally accessible to all citizens, which can induce the lack of self-esteem and selfevaluation among members of ethno-cultural minorities. The fifth chapter deals with the object and the nature of patriotic allegiance in the new republicanism, with the emphasis on Viroli's rooted republicanism. I consider Viroli's patriotism to be inappropriate for multicultural societies because it imposes a double burden to the members of ethnocultural minorities: they are asked to accept the cultural pattern of the republic and to take active care for the condition of the institutions of the republic. In chapter six I examine the tenets of the theory of constitutional patriotism in the works of Dolf Sternerger, Jürgen Habermas, Jan-Werner Müller and Patchen Markell. I reject the conceptions of constitutional patriotism in which the object of allegiance is fixed, but also those approaches that permanently reject any objects of allegiance. I advocate the version of constitutional patriotism in which nature of patriotic allegiance creates a political environment to which we are committed. In the last chapter I summarize my findings and conclude that the modified theory of constitutional patriotism is normatively most suitable for plural societies.Predmet doktorske disertacije je osnov osećanja patriotske privrženosti u pluralnim liberalno-demokratskim društvima. U radu istražujem normativne domete tri najuticajnija teorijska pristupa patriotizmu: liberalnog nacionalizma, novog republikanizma i ustavnog patriotizma. Zastupam tezu da, u multikulturnom kontekstu, normativno opravdana koncepcija patriotske privrženosti mora počivati na proširenom shvatanju jednakosti koje u sebe uključuje jednakost u pripadanju političkoj zajednici. Jednakost u pripadanju postoji onda kada svaki građanin, na jednakoj osnovi i nezavisno od svojih posebnih identiteta, može doživeti državu koju nastanjuje kao svoj politički dom. Rad je sačinjen od sedam poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju predlažem da patriotizam odredimo kao formu privrženosti koja se izražava putem brige za dobrobit patrie i zemljaka. Patriotska privrženost se potom analitički deli u dva dela: predmet i prirodu privrženosti. U nastavku sledi pregled istorijske geneze patriotskog etosa kroz sledeće epohe: antička Grčka, antički Rim, rano Hrišćanstvo, feudalno doba, period apsolustičkih monarhija i doba nacionalne države. Konstatujem da se s pojavom nacionalne države patriotizam utopio u nacionalistički diskurs. Drugo poglavlje je posvećeno etičkim raspravama o patriotizmu. Etičke debate o moralnom statusu posebnih odnosa zaslužne su za povratak patriotizma u sferu akademskog izučavanja. Etičke argumente u prilog patriotizma najpre delim u dve grupe: konsekvencijalističke i nekonsekvencijalističke, a potom ih detaljno preispitujem kroz model dodeljenih odgovornosti, teoriju fer-pleja i zahvalnosti, teoriju prirodnih dužnosti i kantijansku teoriju. U trećem poglavlju razmatram mesto patriotske privrženosti u liberalnokomunitarnom sporu. Posebnu pažnju posvećujem komunitarnim argumentima ukorenjenog sopstva, društvenog okruženja i moralnog obrazovanja. U četvrtom poglavlju analiziram predmet i prirodu patriotske privrženosti u teorijama liberalnog nacionalizma. Tvrdim da etnička komponenta nacionalnog identiteta onemogućava da predmet patriotske privrženosti bude jednako dostupan svim građanima što može uticati na manjak samopoštovanja i samovrednovanja kod pripadnika etnokulturnih manjina. Peto poglavlje se bavi predmetom i prirodom patriotske privrženosti u novom republikanizmu, s akcentom na Virolijev ukorenjeni republikanizam. Smatram da je Virolijev patriotizam nepodesan za multikulturna društva jer pripadnicima etnokulturnih manjina nameće dvostruki teret: prihvatanje kulturnog obrasca republike i aktivnu brigu za stanje republikanskih ustanova. U šestom poglavlju istražujem postavke teorije ustavnog patriotizma u delima Dolfa Sternergera, Jirgena Habermasa, Jan-Vernera Milera i Pečen Markel. Odbacujem shvatanja ustavnog patriotizma u kojima se predmet privrženosti fiksira, ali i one pristupe koje predmet privrženosti trajno odbacuju. Zastupam verziju ustavnog patriotizma u kojoj priroda patriotske privrženosti kreira politički ambijent kojem smo privrženi. U poslednjem poglavlju sumiram svoje nalaze i zaključujem da je modifikovana teorija ustavnog patriotizma normativno najprikladnija za pluralna društva

    Storytelling in journalism as the new genre procedure

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    U ovom radu su date definicije pripovedanja i novinarskog pripovedanja u naučnom diskursu, kao i distinkcija tih pojmova kada su u vezi sa medijima. Da bi se bliže odredilo pripovedanje u medijima, treba objasniti šta pripovedanje znači u drugim oblastima istraživanja. Najčešća upotreba tog pojma je u studijama književnosti i lingvistike, iako i pojedini autori iz tih oblasti ostavljaju otvorenom mogućnost da su njihove nauke postavile monopol nad pojmom pripovedanja, te da se istraživanje može proširiti na sve diskursne žanrove u kojima se ono odvija. Sredinom devedesetih godina, u profesionalnim novinarskim, a u protekloj deceniji i akademskim krugovima širom sveta, primećena je nova pojava u prikazivanju medijskih sadržaja: novinarsko pripovedanje. Na engleskom govornom području taj pojam se naziva „storytelling”, a zajednička definicija sličnih pojmova bila bi – narativni diskurs. Pod tim pojmom podrazumevamo romantizovanu, umekšanu sliku važnih događaja i dešavanja o kojima mediji govore. U ovom radu je novinarsko pripovedanje prvi put definisano kao nefiktivni romantizovani novinarski diskurs. U ovoj definiciji je novinarsko pripovedanje nefiktivni diskurs jer, zbog prirode žurnalizma, informacije koje publika dobija jesu o stvarnom svetu, bez pretenzija da autor neku od njih predstavi kao zamišljenu, stvorenu ili subjektivnu – već, naprotiv, tvrdi se da pripoveda o stvarnosti, o onome što se zaista desilo. Žanrovske promene u novinarstvu od pripovedanja kratkih priča do faktografije i od faktografije do pripovednih vesti pokazuju da je novinarstvo stvaralačka profesija u diskurzivnom zapisivanju istorije.In this paper, the definitions of storytelling and journalistic storytelling are given in the scientific context, together with the distinction between these concepts in relation to the media. In order to determine the narration in the media, it is necessary to explain what narration means in other fields of research. The most common use of these terms is in literary and linguistic studies, but even some authors in these fields believe it is quite possible that their fields have set up a monopoly on the notion of narration, and that research can be extended to all genres of reality in which it occurs. In the mid-nine- ties of the 20th century and in the past decade, a new phenomenon in the presentation of media content has emerged in the professional and academic circles around the world: journalistic storytelling. The common definition of similar terms might be the narrative discourse. Under this term, we mean a romanticized, soft image of important events that the media are reporting about. In this paper, journalistic storytelling is defined for the first time as a non-fictitious romanticized journalistic discourse. It is non-fictitious be- cause it communicates information about the real world, without pretending to present one of them as imaginary or created or subjective - on the contrary, it is claimed that what is told is the reality. The genre changes in journalism, from the narration of short stories to factography, and from factography to narrative news, show that journalism is a creative profession in the discursive recording of histor

    Voices of the Serb Minority in the Assembly of Kosovo

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    The performance of minority politics hinges upon various demands and expectations. While claiming to represent, Members of parliament (MPs) do not work in a vacuum. They rather work against particular institutional and cultural backgrounds, which, at least in part, set up the structure of opportunities open to them. In post-conflict societies such as Kosovo, international actors, kin states and their often conflicting peace-building strategies can make strong constraints on the behaviour of minority representatives. This chapter explores how Serb MPs in the Kosovo parliament respond to the incentives and constraints they face, and whether they manage to raise their authentic voice or merely give in to various pressures and expectations raised upon them..

    Kako se preziva ova beba? Kulturološka analiza srpskih i britanskih prezimena

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    Svaka beba ubrzo po rođenju biva nekako imenovana. U većini zemalja i kultura porodično prezime se nasleđuje a lično ime dodeljuje bebi. Stoga je izbor u stvari ograničen samo na ovo drugopomenuto jer je ono prvo (takozvano prezime na srpskom, zadnje ime na engleskom, po-ime na nemačkom, porodično ime na francuskom i bugarskom, a na ruskom samo porodica) već utvrđeno i nepromenljivo. Upravo zbog toga je do sada mnogo pisano o biranju imena, njihovom značenju, simbolici, poreklu i nastanku, dok se na prezimena u naučnim krugovima manje obraćala pažnja. Cilj ovog rada je da kroz komparativnu analizu srpskih i britanskih prezimena pokaže da je u ovim dvema kulturama koje se prilično među sobom razlikuju oblikovanje prezimena sledilo veoma sličan put, te da se ona po etimologiji mogu svrstati u gotovo istovetne grupe. Tokom tog procesa biće razjašnjeno kako je došlo do toga da jedna malecka nejaka beba može da nosi prezime nekog čuvenog vojskovođe ili političara, recimo Karađorđević ili Washington, kao i ono koje po smislu odgovara isključivo odrasloj osobi, na primer Kapetanović ili Oldman

    Effects of the Ideas of the October Revolution in Russia on the Foreign Policy of Yugoslavia in the Period 1945–1947

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    This paper explains how the ideas that initiated the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 were embedded in the foreign policy of Yugoslavia after the end of World War II. From the very beginning (1945), the political actors of Yugoslavia had directed foreign policy towards bilateral cooperation, first of all with the Soviet Union, and with other democratic countries. All foreign policy issues were solved in the context of belonging to the socialist political camp, on the wings of the World War II victory and national liberation from the occupiers and the capitalist way of organizing society. Such a socialist foreign political course lasted only until the end of 1947. However, the article considers that there had been an October Revolution sentiment in Yugoslavia long before the adoption of the socialist organization of society after 1945. For this reason, apart from the international importance of the idea of the October Revolution, attention is directed towards analysis of the continuity of the idea of the revolution in Yugoslavia (1919–1945), and then towards the foreign policy practice of Yugoslavia observed through the analysis of primary political sources (1945–1947)

    Sindikati i tranzicija - jedna do kraja neispričana priča

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    In this paper, I begin with a broader understanding of transition as a process of moving from the national capitalism of the welfare state to globalized, disorganized, corporate capitalism, within which the transition of post-Communist societies is an important sequence that gives the process a planetary character (Vuletić, 2012). Structurally, the paper consists of three narrow thematic units within which I seek to adequately apply the three complementary methodological approaches. The first part is devoted to the global framework of change and is dominated by a system approach in which the crisis is considered through changes in the external framework and non-corresponding changes in the structure and functions of trade unions. Then, there is a discussion of transitional Serbia and the position of trade unions and the employees, in which I rely on an institutional approach, first of all, to analyze the transformed economic, work and social framework. The third part is devoted to the areas, opportunities and actors of change and the ideational approach appropriate for them, related to values - the vision and mission of unions, first and foremost. In methodical terms, the analysis of the Serbian transition and its peculiarities is a special case study within which, given the author's decades of research and practical involvement in trade unions, an action research is conducted, as one might call it, or a kind of participatory observation. The key thesis I am trying to argue is that employees and unions are one of the biggest transitional losers and that growing inequalities and power imbalances will not change without a thorough revision of the dominant NEO-liberal pattern by which globalization processes take place.U ovom radu polazim od šireg razumevanja tranzicije kao procesa prelaza iz nacionalnog kapitalizma države blagostanja u globalizovani, dezorganizovani, korporativni kapitalizam, unutar koga je tranzicija postkomunističkih društava važna sekvenca koja procesu daje planetarni karkter (Vuletić, 2012). Strukturno, rad čine tri uže tematske celine unutar kojih nastojim da adekvatno primenim tri komplementarna metodska pristupa. Prvi deo je posvećen globalnom okviru promena i u njemu dominira sistemski pristup u kome se kriza razmatra kroz promene eksternog okvira i njima nekorespodentne promene strukture i funkcija sindikata. Sledi razmatranje tranzicione Srbije i položaja sindikata i zaposlenih u njoj u kome se oslanjam na institucionalni pristup, pre svega na analizu transformisanog ekonomskog, radnog i socijalnog okvira. Treći deo posvećen je prostorima, šansama i akterima promena i njima primeren ideacioni pristup vezan za vrednosti - viziju i misiju sindikata, pre svega. U metodskom pogledu analiza srpske tranzicije i njenih specifičnosti predstavlja osobenu studiju slučaja unutar koje, imajući u vidu autorovo decenijsko i istraživačko i praktično bavljenje sindikatom, bi se moglo reći da se radi o akcionom istraživanju, odnosno svojevrsnom posmatranju s učestvovanjem. Ključna teza koju nastojim da argumentujem je da su zaposleni i sindikati jedni od najvećih tranzicionih gubitnika i da se rastuće nejednakosti i neravnoteže moći neće izmeniti bez temeljne revizije dominantnog neoliberalnog obrasca po kome se odvijaju globalizacijski procesi

    Činioci socijalnog uključivanja starijih osoba u Beogradu

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    Social inclusion and social exclusion of the elderly belong to the concepts the operationalization of which has started recently. The objective of this paper is to analyze the factors of social inclusion of the elderly who live in Belgrade. Therefore, a research, using a questionnaire, which included 781 elderly persons living in Belgrade, was conducted in 2019. The dimensions of their health, living standard and financial situation, as well as the quality of life and social participation, were in the focus of the research. Basic findings point to a negative correlation between years of life and all measured outcomes; a positive correlation between their education and subjective assessment of the quality of life and objective measure of social participation in the community; as well as an absence of gender differences in dependent variables, except for the mobility.Socijalno uključivanje i socijalno isključivanje starijih osoba predstavljaju koncepte čija je operacionalizacija novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je analiza činilaca socijalnog uključivanja starijih na primeru Beograda. Zbog toga je tokom 2019. godine sprovedeno istraživanje metodom upitnika u kom je učestvovala 781 starija osoba s teritorije Beograda. Ispitivane su dimenzije zdravlja, životnog standarda i finansijskih prilika, kao i kvaliteta života i društvene participacije. Osnovni nalazi ukazuju na negativnu povezanost godina života sa svim ishodima koji su mereni; pozitivnu povezanost obrazovanja sa subjektivnom procenom kvaliteta života i objektivnom merom društvene participacije u zajednici; te na odsustvo rodnih razlika u zavisnim varijablama, sa izuzetkom mobilnosti

    Evaluacija Građanskog vaspitanja u srednjim školama u Srbiji

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    The paper deals with the evaluation of the status of the Civic Education course. it is aimed at obtaining insight into possible changes in these effects by comparing the present results with those of a similar study conducted ten years ago, in 2009. The research included 1073 students, 36 teachers and 20 principals from twenty secondary schools from the whole territory of the Republic of Serbia. in addition, the attitudes towards civic education held by the general public were investigated on a representative sample of 1076 adult citizens of Serbia. data were collected via questionnaires designed for the purposes of the research. The attitudes towards civic education and rel-evant social attitudes and values were investigated in students, their teachers and principals, and participants from the general population. additionally, the level of knowledge of the topics that form the civic education curricu-lum was explored in the sample of students. The results point to a relatively low level of knowledge about the topics related to civic education among students. it is shown that students have a predominantly positive attitude towards this course, but also that there is the distance of young people from the world of politics and low readiness for activism. The concluding part of the paper discusses the possible directions for improving the civic education instruction with the aim of raising its efficiency.Predmet ovog istraživanja je evaluacija statusa predmeta Građansko vaspitanje (gV) i sticanje uvida u eventualne promene statusa kroz poređenje sa rezultatima slične studije sprovedene deset godina ranije (2009. godine). U istraživanju je učestvovalo 1073 učenika/ca, 36 nastavnika/ca i 20 direktora/ki iz 20 srednjih škola sa cele teritorije Srbije. Takođe, ispitani su i stavovi opšte populacije prema Građanskom vaspitanju na reprezentativnom uzorku od 1076 punoletnih građana Srbije. Podaci su prikupljeni upitnicima konstruisanim u svrhe ove evaluacije. Ispitivani su stavovi prema građanskom vaspitanju i relevantni društveni stavovi i vrednosti učenika, predmetnih nastavnika, direktora škola i ispitanika iz opšte populacije, a kod učenika i stepen poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV. Rezultati ukazuju na relativno nizak nivo poznavanja tema koje su sadržaj gV među učenicima/ama, na preovlađujuće pozitivan odnos učenika/ca prema nastavi ovog predmeta, ali i na distanciranost mladih od sveta politike i nisku spremnost za aktivizam. U zaključku se ukazuje na moguće pravce poboljšanja nastave GV u cilju podizanja njene efikasnosti

    Igra uveravanja u velikim grupama - ekonomski primeri

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    I apply game theory to economic problems in large groups (more than two players). I focus on the coordination problem of collective action within assurance game. Coordinative failure in such games is a consequence of the expectation concerning what the other players will do. The prevailing pessimism about the actions of others creates "bad equilibrium," while the prevailing optimism about the actions of others creates "good equilibrium." I look into three examples: students' self-grading, fiscal stimulus, and the absence of investments in undeveloped economies. The main insight is that the coordination failure problem may be solved by state intervention - by way of fiscal stimulus or coordination agent who creates a focal point among consumers and producers.U ovom tekstu primenjujem teoriju igara na ekonomske probleme u velikim grupama (više od dva igrača). Fokusiram se na problem koordinacije kolek-tivnog delanja unutar igre uveravanja. koordinacioni nedostaci u nekoj ko-lektivnoj radnji proizvod su očekivanja o tome šta će uraditi druge osobe. Pesimizam o radnjama drugih stvara "lošu" ravnotežu, dok optimizam stva-ra "dobru" ravnotežu. igru analiziram na tri primera: studentsko samooce-njivanje, fiskalni podsticaj i odsustvo investicija u nerazvijenim privredama. glavni zaključak je da problem koordinacionih nedostataka može da se reši državnom intervencijom-fiskalnim podsticajima ili koordinacionim telom koje stvara fokalnu tačku za potrošače i proizvođače

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