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Transformation of public sphere and symbolic politics in contemporary Serbia
No full textАутор се у раду бави питањем јавне сфере као
простора у коме се реализује тзв. симболичка
политика. Користећи дескриптивни приступ у
интерпретацији развоја јавне сфере у Србији
после успостављања вишестраначја он је
фокусиран на институционалну трансформацију
аренâ у којима су разматрана најважнија
друштвена питања и стратегије субјеката који
су у њима деловали. Посебан одељак у раду
посвећен је структури и карактеристикама јавног
простора у комунистичкој Југославији и Србији.
У тексту се указује на интенцију с којом актуелна
владајућа елита спроводи симболичку политику
у Србији, на кључне проблеме карактеристичне
за јавну сферу и на чиниоце који могу да определе
њену даљу трансформацију.In this paper, the author deals with the issue of the
public sphere as a space in which so-called symbolic
politics is implemented. The author interprets the
development of the public sphere in Serbia since
1990. In this interpretation he proceeds from a
descriptive approach that he considers more favorable than a normative approach in the analysis of
the political transformation of post-communist societies. Describing the path of the development of
the public sphere in Serbia after the establishment
of a multi-party system, the author focuses on the
institutional transformation of the arenas in which
the most important social issues were discussed,
as well as the strategies of the actors within them.
A special section in the paper is devoted to the “public sphere” in communist Yugoslavia and Serbia. In
the description of its structure, special attention is
paid to the element of the so-called. public-private
sphere characteristic of other communist societies,
especially Soviet.
In the part of the paper devoted to the issue of
the public sphere in Serbia during the 1990s, the
author concludes that at that time a public space
of a specific configuration was formed. He notices
the centre represented by television, i.e. state television channel, and periphery constituted by several
local television channels, radio stations and print
media. Two consequences of this circumstance are
highlighted: first, the chance for a certain discourse
to become “popular” depended on how much it
is represented in the centre of the public sphere.
Secondly, in order to manage the social “agenda”,
it was enough to control the most massive channels
of communication.
In the part of the paper dedicated to the public
sphere in Serbia after the political changes in 2000,
the author points out the similarities in its structure
and the very similar pattern of behavior of the ruling
elite in the implementation of the symbolic policy
to the behavior of the ruling elite in the 1990s.
Conclusion points to the strategy of implementing
the symbolic policy of the current government and
the factors of further transformation of the public
sphere in Serbia - socio-demographic changes and
the pace of development and application of new
communication technologies
Serbia: Interest groups in an unconsolidated pluralist democracy
No full textLike Serbian politics in general, informal ways of conducting political business also characterize the country's contemporary interest group system. This is largely due to decades of authoritarian rule and less than 30 years' experience with pluralist democracy. Added to this, the period following the end of socialist Yugoslavia, particularly the authoritarian rule of Slobodan Milosevic and Serbia's involvement in war, undermined the development of a pluralist group system. Despite these setbacks, and in the face of continuing constraints, several elements of a modern group system have begun to emerge. This development has contributed to the advancement of Serbia's brand of majoritarian democracy
When do neoliberal economic reforms cause democratic decline? Evidence from the post-communist Southeast Europe
No full textDo neoliberal reforms (notably, austerity policy) facilitate democratic decline and the gradual deconstruction of democratic institutions? I examine the democratic development of the Western Balkan countries since 2008 by focusing on the two most recent cases of democratic rollback in Macedonia and Serbia. Neoliberal reforms may create a preference to shut down democratic institutions, because such reforms are socially costly and politically risky. However, democratic backsliding is not possible without opportunity. I illustrate this with reference to the examples of Hungary and Croatia. Croatia implemented some neoliberal policies after 2015, but did not see a drop in its democracy score. By contrast, Hungary moved towards centrally planned capitalism, nationalisation and state interventionism (all opposed to the neoliberal concept of reform), and yet saw a significant democratic decline after 2010. The opportunity to dismantle democratic institutions was a consequence of an electoral gap (a difference in vote share between former and new incumbents), which enabled the rise of authoritarian leaders in Macedonia, Hungary and Serbia
Pripovedanje u novinarstvu kao žanrovski postupak
Get PDFIn this paper, the definitions of storytelling and journalistic storytelling are given in the scientific context, together with the distinction between these concepts in relation to the media. In order to determine the narration in the media, it is necessary to explain what narration means in other fields of research. The most common use of these terms is in literary and linguistic studies, but even some authors in these fields believe it is quite possible that their fields have set up a monopoly on the notion of narration, and that research can be extended to all genres of reality in which it occurs. In the mid-nineties of the 20th century and in the past decade, a new phenomenon in the presentation of media content has emerged in the professional and academic circles around the world: journalistic storytelling. The common definition of similar terms might be the narrative discourse. Under this term, we mean a romanticized, soft image of important events that the media are reporting about. In this paper, journalistic storytelling is defined for the first time as a non-fictitious romanticized journalistic discourse. It is non-fictitious because it communicates information about the real world, without pretending to present one of them as imaginary or created or subjective - on the contrary, it is claimed that what is told is the reality. The genre changes in journalism, from the narration of short stories to factography, and from factography to narrative news, show that journalism is a creative profession in the discursive recording of history.U ovom radu su date definicije pripovedanja i novinarskog pripovedanja u naučnom diskursu, kao i distinkcija tih pojmova kada su u vezi sa medijima. Da bi se bliže odredilo pripovedanje u medijima, treba objasniti šta pripovedanje znači u drugim oblastima istraživanja. Najčešća upotreba tog pojma je u studijama književnosti i lingvistike, iako i pojedini autori iz tih oblasti ostavljaju otvorenom mogućnost da su njihove nauke postavile monopol nad pojmom pripovedanja, te da se istraživanje može proširiti na sve diskursne žanrove u kojima se ono odvija. Sredinom devedesetih godina, u profesionalnim novinarskim, a u protekloj deceniji i akademskim krugovima širom sveta, primećena je nova pojava u prikazivanju medijskih sadržaja: novinarsko pripovedanje. Na engleskom govornom području taj pojam se naziva "storytelling", a zajednička definicija sličnih pojmova bila bi - narativni diskurs. Pod tim pojmom podrazumevamo romantizovanu, umekšanu sliku važnih događaja i dešavanja o kojima mediji govore. U ovom radu je novinarsko pripovedanje prvi put definisano kao nefiktivni romantizovani novinarski diskurs. U ovoj definiciji je novinarsko pripovedanje nefiktivni diskurs jer, zbog prirode žurnalizma, informacije koje publika dobija jesu o stvarnom svetu, bez pretenzija da autor neku od njih predstavi kao zamišljenu, stvorenu ili subjektivnu - već, naprotiv, tvrdi se da pripoveda o stvarnosti, o onome što se zaista desilo. Žanrovske promene u novinarstvu od pripovedanja kratkih priča do faktografije i od faktografije do pripovednih vesti pokazuju da je novinarstvo stvaralačka profesija u diskurzivnom zapisivanju istorije
Javna diplomatija ili politička propaganda prema inostranstvu- gde je konceptualna razlika?
Get PDFThe uncertainty comes from diffuse and arbitrary defining as well as the USA-ge of term "public diplomacy". in the article you can find a genesis of this term before its academic justification, the circumstances that lead to its aca-demic articulation and subsequent widespread affirmation through the role of element in the "soft power" concept by joseph nye. There are also parti-cular concepts which, according to the author of this article, exaggerate the extent of public diplomacy in terms of its participants, content and norma-tive contribution. an input to criticism of the mentioned positions has been proposed as well. in conclusion, the judgement is that public diplomacy does not offer a crucial difference in regard to political propaganda directed towards foreign countries.Dilema istaknuta u naslovu teksta ishodi iz nepreciznosti i proizvoljnosti prilikom definisanja i upotrebe pojma "javna diplomatija". U tekstu je ra-zvijena geneza pojma pre njegovog akademskog utemeljenja, okolnosti koje su dovele do akademske artikulacije, a potom i široke afirmacije kroz ulogu elementa u koncepciji "meke moći" džozefa naja. iznete su karakteristične teze koje, prema sudu autora ovog članka, prenaglašavaju obuhvat javne di-plomatije u pogledima aktera, sadržaja i normativnih doprinosa. Ponuđen je prilog kritici pomenutih pozicija. Zaključak nosi stav da javna diplomatija suštinski ne nudi konceptualnu razliku u odnosu na pojam političke propa-gande usmerene prema inostranstvu
Uloga medija u slobodnim i poštenim izborima - problem "funkcionerske kampanje" u Srbiji
Get PDFThe basic premise of free and fair elections is equal participation and representation of all candidates and candidate lists. Media are crucial in this process, taking into account they go hand in hand with modern democracies. As such, the role of media in promotional activities is regulated by law. The existing legal framework regulating election campaigns requires further improvements, especially in regard to participation of public officials in election campaigns and the use of public resources for these purposes. The engagement of public officials in election campaigns, or promotion, is defined as a "functionary campaign". The year 2012 was a turning point for Serbia in terms of having functionary campaigns and consequently preventing free and fair elections. Until today multiple examples of usage of official capacities for campaign purposes have been reported. This paper defines functionary campaigns and analyses the existing legal provisions related to functionary campaigns in Serbia. While the legal framework requires further improvements what is worrisome is the poor implementation of the provisions in place. This paper also analyses the Government solutions proposed to the National Assembly of Serbia in 2019.Osnovna pretpostavka slobodnih i poštenih izbora je ravnopravnost učešća i ravnomerna predstavljenost svih kandidata i izbornih lista. Veoma važan faktor u ovom procesu predstavljaju mediji, s obzirom na to da su savremene demokratije nerazdvojive od medija. Uloga medija u promotivnim aktivnostima političkih partija regulisana je zakonima, ali je u proteklim godinama u Srbiji evidentiran veliki broj propusta. Kao najslabije regulisano polje u izbornim kampanjama jeste pitanje uloge javnih funkcionera i upotrebe javnih resursa u svrhe izborne kampanje. Ovakav vid promocije okarakterisan je kao funkcionerska kampanja, a mediji predstavljaju osnovno sredstvo u razvoju ovog problema. Predmet ovog rada je definisanje funkcionerske kampanje i analiza zakonskih rešenja u oblasti funkcionerske kampanje u Srbiji. Iako je ovaj fenomen poznat i utvrđen i ranije, ovako terminološki označen dobio je nove aspekte u periodu od 2012. godine i istaknut je kao jedan od ključnih problema u održavanju slobodnih i poštenih izbora u Srbiji. U zakonskom okviru uviđa se niz propusta, ali je očigledno da je sprovođenje postojećih zakona, takođe, veoma neefikasno. Funkcionerska kampanja bila je tema i razgovora o izbornim uslovima u Srbiji između vlasti i opozicije. Rad daje i analizu predloga rešenja koje je, 2019. godine, Vlada Srbije predložila Narodnoj skupštini
Etnički odnosi u Crnoj Gori gori 12 godina nakon sticanja nezavisnosti
Get PDFThis paper represents an analysis of inter-ethnic relations in Montenegro twelve years after this former Yugoslav Republic gained its independence. Ethnic relations are analyzed using the method of ethnic distance measurement. We use empirical data to provide evidence of the level of inter-ethnic and overall ethnic distance in Montenegro. The research and measurement of ethnic distance is based on a traditional Bogardus social distance scale. Besides the descriptive task, the research goal of this paper is to show the effect of political factors on ethic distancing. We test this hypothesis using OLS regression analysis. We found a high level of inter-ethnic distance between Serbs on one side and minorities on the other. We also found a low level of ethnic distance between Montenegrins and Serbs, confirming that the clash between the two is political rather than ethnic by nature.Ovaj rad predstavlja analizu međuetničkih odnosa u Crnoj Gori 12 godina nakon što je ova sada već bivša članica Jugoslavije stekla svoju nezavisnost. Etničke odnose analizirali smo koristeći metodu merenja etničke distance. Rad se oslanja na empirijske podatke koji ukazuju na nivo međuetničkog i ukupnog etničkog distanciranja. Ovo istraživanje, odnosno sva merenja sprovedena tokom ovog istraživanja, zasnivaju se na tradicionalnoj Bogardusovoj skali socijalne distance. Istraživački cilj ove analize, osim deskriptivnih zadataka koje ima, jeste i to da pokaže efekat političkih faktora na etničko distanciranje. Osnovnu hipotezu smo testirali koristeći OLS regresionu metodu (regresiona analiza). Podaci koje smo dobili ukazuju na veoma visok nivo međuetničke distance između Srba, s jedne strane, i nacionalnih manjina, s druge strane. Takođe smo utvrdili da postoji veoma nizak nivo etničke distance između Crnogoraca i Srba, što potvrđuje tezu da je razdor između njih, odnosno razlika koja postoji više političke nego etničke prirode
Revolutionary Origins of Political Regimes and Trajectories of Popular Mobilization in the Late Communist Period
No full textPopular protest, which repeatedly occurred in Communist regimes, turned into massive mobilizational waves in the late Communist period. Why did some protests result in state cooptation and particularist nationalism (Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union), and others in state-society polarization (Poland) and protest containment (China), when these states shared important historical, political, and institutional legacies? Political regimes with origins in indigenous popularly-based revolutionary movements are more resilient to popular protests and other major crises than other authoritarian regimes. Protracted ideological armed struggle largely overlaps with broader patriotic causes, such as liberation wars or struggles against foreign intervention. The revolutionary regimes thus acquire patriotic credentials, while boundaries between partisan and patriotic identities become blurred, which strengthens their elite unity and popular base. Popular protests thus facilitate a complex political game of old and new actors that may result in regime survival or transformation. In other regimes, popular unrest tends to produce state-society polarization and, ultimately, regime delegitimation and breakdown. Popular contention in complex multinational institutional settings, if there is no major external threat, highlights old and triggers new conflicts along these structural and institutional divides and, where dual political identities prevail, facilitates identity shifts in particularist direction
In pursuit of 'twin toleration': democracy and church-state relations in Serbia and Montenegro
No full textThis paper explores the relationship between church and state in Serbia and Montenegro by examining the development of 'twin toleration'. In particular, it aims to explain why there is still no 'twin toleration' in these states, and why it is important to impose such institutional arrangement in church-state relations. The 'Twin toleration' concept suggests that institutional arrangements between the state and religious communities in a democratic society should be based on mutual autonomy, in which the state should not interfere in the matters of religious communities, and vice versa. However, since the fall of communism and resurgence of religion, both the Serbian and Montenegrin states have tended to have close relations with the dominant religious communities in order to achieve their narrow political interests. On the other side, religious communities often interfere in political issues. Such a situation does not contribute to the further development of democracy in these countries. In this paper I employ content analysis in order to investigate constitutions and specific laws on religious communities, if any, in the states mentioned above. Besides its theoretical perspective, aim of this paper is to offer practical suggestions on how to rearrange church-state relations in Serbia and Montenegro in order to make these countries more democratic
Uloga političkih elita u procesu rekonstrukcije nacionalnih identiteta: slučaj Bosne i Hercegovine
Get PDFThe study starts with the general hypothesis that radically different interpretations of the Bosnian War (1992-1995) in the post-war BiH determine the construction of mutually exclusive identities of its constitutive peoples. After more than two decades of post-war transition, these identities have acquired structural qualities, including the one of strategic selectivity, which empowers ethnopolitics and discriminates its alternatives, and vice versa, the ethnopolitics reproduce mutually exclusive identities and the political order built on them. The described mechanism maintains political crisis and ethnic divisions in the ‘Dayton’ BiH, and candidates this state for a case of protracted social conflict. The theoretical part of the study discusses the basic human needs theories, and the correlation of identity, as one of the fundamental needs, and political elites, their strategies and politics, in particular. The aim is to contribute to further understanding of identity as a political resource and an instrument of political governance, or governmentality. The discussion is primarily based on international relations and peace studies literature, mostly works of John Burton and Edward Azar, among others. The methodological approach of this study is interpretive; its primary method is the discourse analysis, with the speaker/statement unit of study. Discourses and practices of Bosniak, Serbian, and Croatian political elite, mainly their identity-related content and narratives on War, victim, and state are the subject of this study. The subject is limited to the territory of BiH, although it includes statements of representatives of Serbia and Croatia, and refers to the period from 2012 to 2019. The most important conclusion of the study is that interpretations of War and mutually exclusive identities produce a political situation in BiH known as “the continuation of war by other means”, or the protracted social conflict. Nevertheless, that does not make BiH an exception, but a part of broader international trendsU disertaciji se polazi od pretpostavke da suštinski različite interpretacije rata (1992-1995) u posleratnoj BiH uslovljavaju konstrukciju međusobno isključivih identiteta njenih konstitutivnih naroda. Tako konstruisani identiteti vremenom se strukturalizuju, te postaju nepropustljivi prema neetničkim politikama. S druge strane, etnopolitike koje ova strukturna selektivnost podstiče, povratno ojačavaju dominantne konstrukcije identiteta i reprodukuju postojeće odnose moći. Tako se politička kriza i društevni rascepi održavaju u celokupnom posleratnom periodu, što kandiduje „dejtonsku“ BiH za slučaj sukoba dugog trajanja. Teorijski deo disertacije obuhvata raspravu o teorijama ljudskih potreba i vezi identiteta, kao jedne od ključnih ljudskih potreba, sa političkim elitama, njihovim politikama i strategijama. Time se želi doprineti razumevanju identiteta kao političkog resursa i instrumenta političkog vladanja, tj. upravljanja stanovništvom. U tu svrhu koristi se literatura koja uglavnom pripada međunarodnim odnosima i studijama mira, pre svega radovi Džona Bartona i Edvarda Azara. Metodološki pristup je interpretativistički, ključna metoda je analiza diskursa, a jedinica analize je govorni čin, stav pripadnika triju etnopolitičkih elita u BiH. Empirijski predmet analize su diskursi i prakse bošnjačke, srpske i hrvatske političke elite, odnosno njihovi identitetski sadržaji, koji se prvenstveno tiču tema rata, žrtve i države. Predmet je prostorno ograničen na teritoriju BiH, ali obuhvata i izjave predstavnika Srbije i Hrvatske, dok se u vremenskom smislu odnosi na period između 2012. i 2019. godine. Glavni zaključak disertacije je da interpretacije rata i međusobno konstituisani identiteti u posleratnoj BiH tvore situaciju poznatu kao „nastavak rata drugim sredstvima“, što pretvara BiH u sukob dugog trajanja. No, to ne čini BiH izuzetkom, već delom međunarodnih tendencij