1581 research outputs found
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Mediji kao strana u ratu: politička agenda i medijski odgovor u prikazivanju rusko-ukrajinskog rata
No full textNapad Rusije na Ukrajinu, ali i medijska priprema rata koja je tome prethodila, otvorili su iznova pitanje učešća medija u ratu i prilagođavanja novinarskih principa “pravoj strani
istorije”. Mediji su uzeli učešće u stvaranju strategijskog narativa, dok su odustajali od mirovnog
novinarstva (peacejournalism) i težili ka patriotskom novinarstvu (patritioticjournalism). Ovaj rad ima za cilj da ustanovi na koji način su novinari odstupili od svojih profesionalnih načela i uzeli učešće u ratu, na koji način su vrednosti na kojima je zasnovana Evropska unija, a koji stoje u novinarskim kodeksima, prilagođeni medijskim i političkim agendama i na koji način se takva praksa reflektovala na domaće medijsko tle u Srbiji. Rad se bazira na sistemskom pregledu literature i analizi postojeće prakse, a dopunjen je intervjuima sa ekspertima, novinarima sa
višegodišnjim iskustvom izveštavanja iz Belgije, Nemačke, i ruskog državnog medija (RT) u
Americi
How EU Democracy Assistance to Civil Society Can Help Secure Democratic Gains
No full textThis policy report examines how and when EU support enables civil society actors to foster tangible democratic progress during political transitions. Amid shifting geopolitical dynamics—including U.S. disengagement and Russian assertiveness—the EU is rapidly revising its security strategy, notably through a restructuring of DG NEAR. This shift coincides with a broader reorientation of democracy assistance, now less focused on systemic political change and more on targeted support for civic spaces, social entrepreneurship, environmental protection, and inclusion. Despite this defensive turn, EU assistance has played a crucial role in enabling small-scale democratic gains in nine neighboring countries, especially in pre-transition phases or during openings for democratic reform. Drawing from twelve case studies, the report identifies forms of effective EU support and highlights successful examples in Tunisia and Armenia. It concludes with both general and country-specific policy recommendations, particularly addressing the ongoing protest movement in Serbia and its potential for democratization
“What, can the devil speak true?” - Assessing the epistemic value of ideological concepts
No full textThe continuum of the polarized Cold War world and the subsequent neoliberal hegemony post the fall of
the Berlin Wall underscored both temporal and spatial dimensions of ideological underpinnings. While the
prevailing assertions of (neo)liberals, (post)communists, and the emergence of various ideological “post”’s
and “isms” may have been misleading, potentially representing a “distorted view of history” (Marx&Engels)
the significance of establishing political ideologies that oVer certainty cannot be overlooked. However,
contemporary society finds itself navigating Neurath’s open-world epistemic raft, devoid of solid knowlede
foundations. This reality has been particularly evident with the ascent of populism challenging liberal
democracy. The outbreak of COVID-19 further exposed the ambiguity of unsounded beliefs, overshadowing
scientific truths. Are we constrained to opt for a binary choice between a resurgence of polarization or the
ascent of a novel hegemony? The crux rather lies in addressing the question: Does the pursuit of truth
singularly define the paramount epistemic value in deciphering ideological concepts? This paper endeavors
to provide an analytical examination of the true/false dichotomy within political ideologies. Employing
an analytical methodology and adapting Freeden’s morphological analysis, the objective is to present a
model for identifying the intensional context of ideological concepts. Rooted in Polanyi’s conception of tacit
knowledge, this model expands on the notion that ideological concepts are essentially contested, thereby
constructing clusters that offer an evaluative framework for ideological beliefs, characterizing them as
favorable/unfavorable, satisfying/displeasing, beneficial/harmful, rather than reducing them to mere true/
false categorization
Relationalism and the Outbreak of Culture Wars in the USA and Europe: Merging IR with Nations and Nationalism Studie
No full textThere was a sudden outbreak of culture wars in the USA and Europe in 2014. Several
explanations regarding the potential causes of the outbreak emerged, among which are those about
cultural backlash; economic deprivation; political underrepresentation; human nature's groupism
tendency; and the argument about the periodical reoccurrence of nationalism. These theories only
speak about the structural potential for change that might come from the right side of the political
spectrum. Neither explains the sudden ideologization on both sides of the spectrum at the same
time since both the Gamergate affair and the popularization of the BLM movement occurred in
August 2014. I claim the process of technological innovation, finalized around 2014, completely
changed the previous configuration of a liberal democratic state, and enabled culture wars to
emerge. I use relational thinking and nations and nationalism findings about the key processes of
nation-states to generalize an ideal-type liberal democratic state before 2014. This allows me to
compare the quality of these processes before and after 2014, and to isolate the key process that
sparked the change in states' configuration in the 'West', thus the change in IR
Policy as normative influence? On the relationship between parental leave policy and social norms in gender division of childcare across 48 countries
No full textIn the present work, we addressed the relationship between parental leave policies and social norms. Using a pre‐registered, cross‐national approach, we examined the relationship between parental leave policies and the perception of social norms for the gender division of childcare. In this study, 19,259 students (11,924 women) from 48 countries indicated the degree to which they believe childcare is (descriptive norm) and should be (prescriptive norm) equally divided among mothers and fathers. Policies were primarily operationalized as the existence of parental leave options in the respective country. The descriptive and prescriptive norms of equal division of childcare were stronger when parental leave was available in a country – also when controlling for potential confounding variables. Moreover, analyses of time since policy change suggested that policy change may initially affect prescriptive norms and then descriptive norms at a later point. However, due to the cross‐sectional nature of the data, drawing causal inferences is difficult
Geneva, We Have a Problem: Internationalisation of Armed Conflicts through Indirect Intervention Remains a Dead Letter
No full textThe article seeks to raise awareness about the non-application of the norms of international humanitarian law (IHL) of international armed conflicts in situations of so-called internationalised armed conflicts– namely, when a non-state armed group (NSAG) that is engaged in an armed conflict against the territorial state enjoys a degree of support from another state. Debates in academic circles and international case law have focused largely on the appropriate test and threshold for establishing the relationship between the NSAG and the supporting state. Practice, however, shows that regardless of the legal test, the foreign state support to the NSAG in a (or an initially) non international armed conflict is so politically charged that it leads to a complete non-application of the law of international armed conflict by the relevant actors. The article demonstrates its conceptual findings through four case studies: the armed conflicts in Donbas, Nagorno-Karabakh, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Yemen. Regardless of strong indications of foreign state support to the NSAG in these armed conflicts, no relevant actors applied the IHL norms of international armed conflict. The article provides broader suggestions on the possible avenues for remedying the issue
Lokalna samouprava i međuopštinska saradnja u Evropi
No full textKnjiga nudi sveobuhvatan komparativni pregled sistema lokalnih samouprava i
međuopštinske saradnje, sa posebnim fokusom na praktične pouke koje mogu biti
od suštinskog značaja za Srbiju i širi region. Vodeći čitaoca kroz raznolikost
evropskih modela u ovoj oblasti, knjiga pruža značajne uvide za razumevanje i
unapređenje ovog važnog segmenta javnog upravljanja. Stoga, ovaj rad nije samo
teorijska analiza, već i praktičan alat za lokalne funkcionere, stručnjake, studente i
sve one koji su posvećeni unapređenju lokalne samouprave i lokalne demokratije
Strategic Environment and National Interest: the Impact of the War in Ukraine on Serbia’s National Interests
No full textThe strategic environment has always been an unavoidable determinant in formulating national interests. Both great powers and small states consider political, security, economic, and cultural relations at the global and regional levels and their position in such an environment when defining national interests. However, unlike national interests that are permanent, the strategic environment is full of uncertainty and constant change. Serbian national interests are determined by the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia from 2019 in such a way that they take into account existing challenges, risks, and threats, as well as the strategic environment and international position of Serbia. Since 2019, the strategic environment and global relations have changed significantly. The Russian aggression against Ukraine represents an event that drastically changed great powers’ relations and increased rigidity in the international order. For Serbia, which relies on foreign policy on all interested sides – the European Union, the United States, and Russia – the period from February 24th, 2022, was quite challenging. All of the abovejustifies research on the strategic environment’s influence on Serbia’s national
interests. The main research question in the paper will be: How did the
change in the strategic environment, specifically the War in Ukraine (2022),
impact the realization of Serbia’s national interests? The delineation of a
methodological approach anchored in expert survey and analysis underscores
a commitment to rigor and depth in probing the multifaceted dimensions of
the research question. This methodological triangulation promises to afford
a comprehensive appraisal, blending both quantitative data and qualitative
insights garnered from authoritative voices within the field
Outsourcing political mobilization of voters: the analysis of outcomes of actions conducted in the ProGlas campaign for voter turnout for 2023 parliamentary elections
No full textRad analizira aktivnosti kampanje ProGlas, vođene od 7. novembra do 14. decembra 2023.
godine, kao deo predizbornih aktivnosti u funkciji povećanja izlaznosti. ProGlas se posmatra
u radu kao deo izborne socijalizacije glasača kroz „Izađi i glasaj” kampanju. Autor zastupa
tezu da je uspešna izborna socijalizacija ona koja stvara naviku izlaska na izbore, posebno
kod birača koji nemaju dovoljno izbornog iskustva (mlađe generacije). U radu se pokazuje da
je usled ad hoc karaktera kampanje koju je ProGlas vodio, umesto motivacije za izlaznost,
uspešnost vezana za partijsku identifikaciju i ideološke unifikacije. ProGlas kampanja je delimično omogućila socijalizovanje birača u pravcu racionalizacije glasanja, tako da glasovi jednog ideološkog pola („građanske opozicije”) ne propadnu pri glasanju za opcije koje nemaju
stvarne izglede za prelazak cenzusa.The paper analyzes the activities of the ProGlas campaign, conducted from November 7 to
December 14, 2023, as part of pre-election efforts to increase voter turnout. ProGlas is con-
ceptualized in the study as part of voter electoral socialization through the “Get out the vote”
campaign. The author argues that successful electoral socialization is one that creates a
habit of voting, especially among voters with insufficient electoral experience (younger gen-
erations). The study demonstrates that due to the ad hoc nature of the ProGlas campaign,
instead of motivating voter turnout, success is tied to party identification and ideological
unification. The ProGlas campaign partially facilitated the socialization of voters towards the
rationalization of voting, so that the votes of one ideological group (“civil opposition”) are not
wasted by voting for options that have no real chance of crossing the threshold
The discursive construction of the nation: Serbhood as the other in the construction of Montenegrin national identity
No full textПосматрајући нације као социјално конструисане заједнице, аутор у раду испитује улогу другости у формирању националног идентитета, на студији случаја савременог црногорског идентитета. Полазећи од тезе да је за конституисање црногорске нације пресудну улогу имало дистанцирање од српских националних обележја, аутор у раду приказује и објашњава процесе маргинализације и стигматизације српства, схваћеног као све што се имплицитно или експлицитно везује за Србију као државу и/или Србе као народ. Након теоријских и методолошких напомена, извршен је критички преглед литературе која се бави идентитетским питањима Црне Горе. У централном поглављу рада, разоткрива се дискурс о српској другости, те се методом критичке анализе дискурса преиспитују начини на које он креира идентитет и обликује друштвену стварност у Црној Гори. Ово поглавље подељено је на три потпоглавља, од којих прво тематски обухвата дискурс о Подгоричкој скупштини
из 1918. године и с њом повезаним догађајима у Црној Гори, друго које анализира дискурс о Српској православној цркви за време владавине Демократске партије социјалиста, те треће које приказује наставак антисрпског дискурса и након пада ДПС-а. Налази истраживања показују да је, поред државоправног, спољнополитичког, лингвистичког, симболичког и другог дистанцирања од Србије и српства, за конструисање савременог црногорског идентитета био кључан дискурс којим је српство, не само потиснуто, већ и начињено непријатељском другошћу и претњом по опстанак Црне Горе.Considering nations as socially constructed communities, the author examines the role of otherness in forming the national identity in the case study of contemporary Montenegrin identity. Drawing upon the thesis that distancing from Serbian national features played a key role in the construction of the Montenegrin nation, the author presents and explains processes of marginalisation and stigmatisation of Serbhood, understood as everything implicitly or explicitly related to Serbia as a country and/or Serbs as a people. After providing theoretical and methodological observations, the subsequent section offers a critical literature review on questions surrounding Montenegrin identity. In the central section of the paper, the discourse on Serbian otherness is deconstructed. Specifically, by employing the critical discourse analysis method,
the author scrutinises how this discourse constructs identity and shapes social reality in Montenegro. This section comprises three subsections. The first thematically encompasses the discourse on the Podgorica Assembly of 1918 and related events in Montenegro; the second analyses the discourse on the Serbian Orthodox Church during the rule of the Democratic Party of Socialists, while the third presents a continuity of anti-Serb discourse after the fall of DPS. The research findings show that, alongside legal, foreign policy, linguistic, symbolic, and other distancing from Serbia and Serbhood, the construction of contemporary Montenegrin identity hinged on a discourse that not only suppressed Serbhood but also portrayed it as a hostile otherness and a threat to the mere existence of Montenegro