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“Mini schengen” – concept, implementation and controversies
No full textU radu se analizira nastanak ideje o Regionalnom ekonomskom području od
polovine 2017. godine u okviru Berlinskog procesa do danasi proces nastanka tzv. Malog
Šengena (nakon oktobra 2019. godine), koji je ideja o dubljemintegrisanju u okviru REA,
a pre svega u okviru mobilnosti i tržišta radne snage. Autori ukazuju i na mnoge
kontroverze i bojazni koje se pojavljuju kod pojedinih lidera regiona zbog straha da je
„Mali Šengen” zapravo kompenzacija za punopravno članstvo u Evropskoj uniji, kao i da
će on ići isključivo u korist Srbije kao zemlje koja ima vidan suficit u trgovinskoj razmeni
sa svim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Autori pristupaju i analizi završnih dokumenata
sa sastanaka čelnika Srbije, Severne Makedonije i Albanije, povodom konceptualizacije
i razrade „Malog Šengena”, održanih u Novom Sadu (10. oktobar 2019), Ohridu (10.
novembar 2019) i Tirani (21. decembar 2019). Analiza je fokusirana na mere koje su
preduzete, vremenske okvire za njihovu implementaciju i ustanovljenje struktura ove
inicijative, poput Zajedničke radne grupe i posebnog internet portala. Autorizaključuju
da je posebno indikativno da su lideri tri države ukazali na nužnost pune inkluzivnosti
ove inicijative na Zapadnom Balkanu i ukazali na zajednički nastavak evropskih
integracija svih zemalja ovog regiona. Autori smatraju da je sve to ujedno i jedan od
„temelja” inicijative vezane za implementaciju četiritemeljne slobode EUna Zapadnom
Balkanu i ujedno produbljenog Regionalnog ekonomskog područja, koja se sve češće
označava i kao „Mali Šengen”.The concept of the Regional Economic Area was developed gradually within
the framework of the Berlin Process, which began its operations in 2014. A particular
momentum for thisinitiative was given at the Berlin Process Summit, held in Trieste in
July 2017, when the Consolidated Multi-Annual Action Plan for the Regional Economic
Area in the Western Balkans Six was adopted. Themain objective ofthe REA wasrelated
to trade, investment, mobility, and digital integration throughout the Western Balkans
region. Atthe summit of Western Balkansleaders, chaired byGerman Chancellor Angela
Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron, in late April 2019, the idea of a full
revival ofthe Regional Economic Area was again encouraged. Despite some opposition
and disagreement on the part of some Western Balkan leaders for fear that the REA
would compensate for the Western Balkan countries' membership in the European
Union, it came to its empowering through the format of the tripartite meetings of
leaders of Serbia, North Macedonia and Albania – “Mini Schengen”. However, these
meetings explicitly highlighted the link between “Mini Schengen”,the REA and the wider
context of European integration, but also that this initiative actually aimed to secure
"four EUfreedoms" throughoutthe Western Balkansregion. This primarily refersto the
freedom of movement of persons with a valid ID, as well as the possibility of
employment,residence, and living in these countries. Moreover, mutualrecognition of
all diplomas and qualifications between the three countriesis envisaged. Itis particularly
important to ensure the full inclusiveness of “Mini Schengen” in the future, through
the participation of all entities in the Western Balkans, including Montenegro, Bosnia
and Herzegovina and Kosovo. It is equally significant that the leaders of the Western
Balkan countries expresssolidarity regarding the continuation of European integration,
asit was done atthemeetings held inNovi Sad (10October 2019),Ohrid (10November
2019) and Tirana (21 December 2019) through support for Albania and North
Macedonia to begin pre-accession negotiations with the EU. Also, “Mini Schengen”, as
an initiative for cooperation predominantly related to the economic segment, involves
deepening of cooperation in both security and civilian emergencies, which is a relevant
response to the current challenges in this part of Europe
Electoral Incentives and ‘Shape-Shifting’ Representation: Representative Claims of Ethnic Minority MPs in Kosovo and Serbia
No full textThis article explores how members of parliament (MPs) from minority backgrounds in Serbia and Kosovo use institutional incentives to perform as elected minority representatives. In contrast to the previous research that has viewed political agents as simply being acted upon or reactive, this article develops a less deterministic view of the effects of electoral incentives on political agents. It argues for a more dynamic analysis that focuses on the ways in which political actors mobilise institutions for strategic purposes
Brownian fractal nature coronavirus motion
No full textThe goal of our research is to establish the direction of coronavirus chaotic motion to control corona dynamic by fractal nature analysis. These microorganisms attaching the different cells andorgans in the human body getting very dangerous because we don't have corona antivirus prevention and protection but also the unpredictable these viruses motion directions what resulting in very important distractions. Our idea is to develop the method and procedure to control the virus motion direction with the intention to prognose on which cells and organs could attach. We combined very rear coronavirus motion sub-microstructures images from worldwide experimental microstructure analysis. The problem of the recording this motion is from one point of view magnification, but the other side in resolution, because the virus size is minimum 10 times less than bacterizes. But all these images have been good data to resolve by time interval method and fractals, the points on the motiontrajectory. We successfully defined the diagrams on the way to establish control over Brownian chaotic motion as a bridge between chaotic disorder to control disorder. This opens a very new perspective to future research to get complete control of coronavirus cases
The Problem of Abortion
Get PDFU
nastojanju
da
opovrgne
vladajući
stav
o
moralnoj
prihvatljivosti
abortusa
kao
neprikosnovenog
prava
žene
,
autor
razmatra
različite
argumente
koji
se
iznose
u
prilog
abortusa
.
Savremena
ultrazvučna
dijagnostika
opovrgla
je
mišljenje
da
je
embrion
puki
d
e
o
majčinog
tela
.
Nasuprot
stavu
radikalnih
f
eministkinja
da
je
svaki
interes
žene
iznad
prava
na
život
embriona
,
autor
podseća
da
je
embrion
od
trenutka
začeća
neponovljiva
ličnost
,
da
je
stvoren
po
liku
Božijem
,
te
samim
tim
ne
može
biti
tretiran
kao
puko
sredstvo
.
Utilitaristički
stav
da
je
najveća
sreća
najvećeg
broja
ljudi
valjan
etički
kriterijum
,
krije
u
sebi
opasnost
time
što
dopušta
eliminaciju
pojedine
ličnosti
u
korist
navodnog
opšteg
dobra
.
Utilitarističko
opravdavanje
abortusa
previđa
dugoročne
posledice
po
telesno
i
duševno
zdravlje
majke
,
kao
i
njenu
onostranu
sudbinu
,
ukoliko
se
ne
pokaje
zbog
greha
čedomorstva
.
Negativne
posledice
abortusa
po
zajednicu
nisu
samo
bela
kuga
nego
i
ogrehovljenost
naroda
,
koja
je
uzrok
brojnih
nedaća
.Endeavouring to refute the prevalent attitude on moral acceptability of abortion as an
inviolable women’s right, the author cons
iders different arguments presented in favour of the
abortion. Modern ultrasound diagnostic has disproved the opinion that an embryo is just a part
of the mother’s body. Contrary to the attitude of radical feminists that each interest of a woman
is above e
mbryo’s right to life, the author reminds that an embryo is a unique personality since
the momemt of its conception, that it is created in the image of God and, therefore, it cannot be
treated as mere means. Utilitarian attitude that a proper ethical crite
rion is ultimate happiness of
the largest number of people, conceals in itself danger by allowing elimination of single
personalities for a supposed general benefit. Utilitarian justification of the abortion overseas
long
-
term effects on physical and menta
l health of the mother, as wel as on her destiny in the
life to come, unless she repents for the sin of abortion. Negative consequences of abortion for
the community are not only depopulation, but sinfulness of the poeple, that causes many
tribulations
Dodata pedagoška vrednost škola u Srbiji
Get PDFValue added (VA) is one of the measures to assess the quality of school work; when calculating this value, the individual characteristics of students are statistically equalised in order to focus on the factors that are under the jurisdiction of the educational system. The basic value of VA is seen in providing as fair information as possible about the contribution of teachers and / or schools to student achievement. In this paper, we investigate the value added of schools in Serbia. We have set the following research goals: (1) examining the contribution of students' individual characteristics on student achievement in seven subjects, (2) establishing the connection between the student achievement and the expected VA, (3) examining the representation of school groups selected by the expected student achievement and VA and (4) determining the variability of VA of subjects in a particular school. The study was conducted on the sample of 125 elementary schools, with participation of 5065 8th grade students and 5021 parents of these students. Data on student variables were collected through a questionnaire, and from student achievement from the 2011 TIMSS and 2015 final exam databases. Hierarchical modelling was used for the analyses. The results, among other things, show that the expected student achievement and VA are unrelated for most schools, that most schools have both negative VA and below-average expected achievement, and that VA varies between school subjects. The limitations of this study are also given, as well as the implications that the obtained data have on educational policy in Serbia
Participation of non-party organizations and groups in the elections in Serbia
Get PDFUverenje da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog predstavljanja
podložno je sve većim kritikama kako opada identifikacija birača sa partijama
i raste antipartizam. Paralelno sa tim u literaturi raste interesovanje za
nepartijske organizacije i kandidate na izborima i mogućnosti da ovi akteri
doprinesu novim modelima demokratije i demokratičnijem predstavljanju. S
druge strane, u Srbiji je učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima gotovo
u potpunosti neistraženo uprkos tome što se poslednjih godina na izborima
pojavljuje sve više nepartijskih lista, odnosno grupa građana. Ovaj rad stoga
analizira učešće nepartijskih organizacija na izborima u Srbiji sa ciljem da
istraži pravilnosti u njihovom izbornom učešću i rezultatima i vezu između
sve veće pojave grupa građana na izborima i sve većeg nepoverenja birača u
političke partije.The belief that political parties are key actors of political representation
is increasingly criticized as voters’ identification with political parties declines and antipartisanship grows. At the same time, there is a growing academic interest in the electoral
participation of non-party organizations and candidates and opportunities for these actors to contribute to new models of democracy and more democratic representation. On
the other hand, in Serbia, the participation of non-party organizations in the elections
is almost completely unexplored, despite the fact that in recent years non-party lists, i.e. groups of citizens, have increasingly been participating in the elections. This paper there-
fore analyzes the participation of non-party organizations in the elections in Serbia in
order to explore the patterns in their electoral appearance and results, and the connection
between the growing electoral participation of groups of citizens and a growing distrust
of voters in political parties
Enlargement of the Eurasian Economic Union - Is it time for the enlargement policy of the Eurasian Economic Union?
No full textАутор ће се у раду бавити питањем проширења Евроазијске
економске уније (ЕЕУ), односно (не)постојањем политике проширења
ове међународне организације. Евроазијска економска унија почела je као
интегративни процес између три државе (Русије, Казахстана, Белорусије),
којима су се нешто касније прикључиле Јерменија и Киргистан 2015.
године. Након прихватања ове две државе у организацију, поставило се
питање даљег проширења Евроазијске економске уније. Приоритет ове
организације су потенцијалне чланице са постсовјетског простора, мада
чланство није нужно ограничено на те државе. За сада је најизгледније
да ће, уколико до наредног проширења дође, нова чланица бити
Таџикистан, док је 2018. године Молдавији додељен статус посматрача.
Бројне су потешкоће са којима се суочава ова организација када је реч о
проширењу. Један од разлога јесу други интегративни процеси који су
отпочели раније у окружењу, и који су окупили одређени број држава.
Такав интегративни пројекат јесте Европска унија, који се развија већ
неколико деценија. Европска унија је отпочела као заједница шест
држава, да би временом достигла број од 28 чланица (ускоро 27 након
изласка Велике Британије). Током дужег временског раздобља Европска
унија почела је да развија специфичну политику проширења, с циљем
пријема нових чланица. У том контексту ће се разматрати да ли постоји
политика проширења у Евроазијској економској унији, која би била
пандан политици проширења која постоји у Европској унији. Закључак
истраживања јесте да у Евроазијској економској унији, у овом тренутку,
не постоји разрађена политика проширења, која би била слична оној која
постоји у Европској унији, што не значи да ова организација није
посвећена потенцијалнo новимчланицама. Као алтернатива проширењу
ове међународне организације, постоје други видови сарадње, попут
додељивања статуса посматрача у организацији, као и закључивања
различитих споразума са трећим државама.In this article, the author will address the issue of the enlargement
of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), and the existence/nonexistence of
the enlargement policy of this international organization. The Eurasian
Economic Union began as an integrative process between the three countries
(Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus), which were later joined by Armenia and
Kyrgyzstan in 2015. Following the accession of these two countries to the
organization, the question of the further enlargement of the Eurasian
Economic Union was raised. The priority of this organization is potential
members from the post-Soviet space, though membership is not necessarily
limited to those countries. For the time being, it is most likely that if the next
enlargement occurs, the new member will be Tajikistan, while in 2018
Moldova was granted observer status. There are many difficulties this
organization encounters when it comes to expansion. One of the reasons is
the other integrative processes that started earlier in the neighbourhood, and
which brought together several countries. Such an integrative project is the
European Union, which has been developing for several decades. The
European Union started as a community of six countries, eventually reaching
a membership of 28 countries (soon 27 after the Brexit). Over a long period of
time, the European Union has begun to develop a specific enlargement policy
to welcome new members. In this context, it will be considered whether there
is an enlargement policy in the Eurasian Economic Union, which would be a
counterpart to the enlargement policy existing in the European Union. The
conclusion of the research is that there is currently no elaborated enlargement
policy in the Eurasian Economic Union, which is similar to the one existing in
the European Union, which does not mean that this organization is not
dedicated to potential new members. As an alternative to the enlargement of
this international organization, there are other forms of cooperation, such as
the granting of observer status in the organization, as well as the conclusion
of various agreements with third countries
Rijaliti kultura kao preovlađujući kulturni format u Srbiji
Get PDFThe contemporary media culture in Serbia has been marked by two trends - democratization and transformation of the media. These parallel processes on the eve of the 21st century led to the decrease in informative contents and the increase in the entertainment ones. Therefore, reality shows take primacy in Serbia, no longer being an exclusive feature of the television. This paper is aimed at researching and describing the ways in which informative contents in the Serbian media have been replaced by television reality contents, as well as the ways in which the printed media and internet portals inform about them. By the qualitative method of content analysis, this paper realizes its goal to fathom the mechanisms of the transposition of the informative content into the entertainment one, thus deconstructing journalistic practices. The results will indicate that the domestic portals relate to realities in two ways - the first and less common modality is ignoring, while the second implies uncritical acceptance of this type of content, which creates fertile soil for the development and maintenance of the so-called reality culture.Savremenu medijsku kulturu u Srbiji obeležila su dva trenda - demokratizacija i transformacija medija. Ovi paralelni procesi na pragu 21. veka vodili su smanjenju informativnih, a povećanju zabavnih sadržaja. Tako u Srbiji primat dobijaju rijaliti programi, koji prestaju da budu odličje isključivo televizije. Cilj rada je da istraži i opiše na koje načine informativne sadržaje u srpskim medijima zamenjuju televizijski rijaliti sadržaji, kao i načine na koje o njima izveštavaju kako štampani mediji, tako i internet portali. Kvalitativnom metodom analize sadržaja ostvaruje se intencija rada da se pronikne u mehanizme transponovanja informativnog sadržaja u zabavni i dekonstruišu žurnalističke prakse. Rezultati će ukazati da se domaći portali dvojako odnose prema rijalitijima - prvi i ređi modalitet je ignorisanje, dok drugi podrazumeva nekritičko preuzimanje ove vrste sadržaja, čime se stvara pogodno tlo za razvoj i održanje takozvane rijaliti kulture
