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Limitations of redistribution requirements that come from recognition policies
Get PDFU radu se ispituju dometi zahteva za redistribucijom koji dolaze iz politika priznanja. Politike priznanja, odnosno politike razlike, u osnovi izvode redistributivne zahteve na osnovu priznanja specifičnog načina života određene društvene grupe. Radi se, pre svega, o zahtevima koji dolaze iz LGBT zajednice, manjinskih etničkih zajednica i ženskih grupa, a u ranijim vremenima iz radničkog pokreta. Sa jedne strane, takva teorijska pozicija nudi dobru osnovu za praktično-političku mobilizaciju članova date grupe i istorijski primeri organizovanja na osnovu zajedničkog identiteta argumenti su u korist politika priznanja. Jačanjem specifičnog identiteta razvija se osećaj solidarnosti unutar grupe, čime se stvaraju preduslovi za uspešno političko delovanje. Sa druge strane, javlja se problem definisanja granica grupe i isključivanja zbog nepripadanja grupi, iako se osobe mogu nalaziti u jednako lošem ekonomskom položaju, što je osnova kritike iz univerzalističkih pozicija. Osim problematizovanja ograničenosti zahteva za redistribucijom koji dolaze iz politika priznanja, u radu se ispituju i mogućnosti saradnje identitetski definisanih grupa, kroz različite alternativne modele demokratije.This paper examines the scope of redistribution requirements that come
from recognition policies. Politic of recognition, that is, difference policies,
basically make redistributive claims based on recognition of the specific way
of life of a particular social group. These are, above all, requests coming from
the LgBT community, minority ethnic communities and women’s groups,
and in earlier times from the labor movement. on the one hand, such a the-
oretical position offers a good basis for the practical political mobilization of members of a given group and historical examples of organizing on the basis
of a common identity are arguments in favor of the politics of recognition.
By strengthening a specific identity, a sense of solidarity within the group
develops, which creates the preconditions for successful political action. on
the other hand, there is the problem of defining the boundaries of the gro-
up and exclusion because they do not belong to the group, although persons
may be in equally poor economic position, which is the basis of criticism
from universalist positions. in addition to problematizing the limitations of
redistribution requirements that come from recognition policies, the paper
also examines the possibilities of co-operation of identically defined groups
through different alternative models of democracy
Controlled Chaos Strategy and Instruments for Its Realization in Serbia: Communication and Psychological Aspect
No full textThe author deals with the communication procedures and
psychological mechanisms used in hybrid wars and color revolutions and
their potential application in the Republic of Serbia. In the first part of the
paper, the focus is on the vague relation between the terms ‘hybrid war’
and ‘color revolution’ with the term ‘controlled chaos’. The author takes
the latter term as the broadest framework within which to consider the
activities of hybrid war and color revolutions, deemed to be instruments
for the controlled chaos strategy realization. The second part of the paper
discusses the basic communication procedures and psychological
mechanisms underlying them, which are used for information and
psychological management of societies and gives examples of their
application in specific societies. In the last part of the paper, the author
explains why contemporary Serbian society is suitable for the realization
of controlled chaos. The author argues that its most pronounced weakness
is the national and state identity crisis and the associated ‘idea of the future’
and points out measures that could be taken to develop the state’s
‘immunity’ to potential controlled chaos activities
Value for money in public.private partnership projects in the field of street lighting in the Republic of Serbia
No full textPublic administration reform, better known as the New Public Management NPM, which began in the mid-1970s, had a key impact on the development of modern public administration. The NPM emphasizes the economic values of public administration, to the detriment of its other values. Public Private Partnership- PPP is one of the basic elements of NPM doctrine. PPP is a partnership between the public and private sector that aims to provide a service traditionally provided by the public sector. An integral part of every PPP is the Value for Money methodology. The "Value for money"- VfM method emerged in this process of public administration reform, first in the UK. The document of the British Government Private Finance Initiative (PFI) from the year 1992, presented the basis for the creation of a new so-called "Venture", which at that time was called a joint venture, and which is today known as PPP. PPP is a relatively new institute that has existed in the Republic of Serbia since 2011. In this paper, we will deal with the application of the VfM methodology in PPP projects related to street lighting in the Republic of Serbia, and try to give answer about social and economic justification of PPP and potential economic savings that can be achieved in the public sector through the implementation of PPP. At the present time, when there is more and more talk about the need for environmental protection, sustainable development and energy efficiency, PPP projects can have an increasing importance in this area. For this reason, we have limited the application of VfM methods in PPP projects in the Republic of Serbia only to street lighting projects which provide the mentioned goals
Neoliberal co-optation, power relations and informality in the Balkan International Relations profession
No full textThe article attempts to assess the importance of informal networks in achieving internationally recognised academic standards set in four Balkan countries by the reform of higher education institutions and the International Relations (IR) profession in particular. Starting from the core-periphery division of the Global IR, the authors are examining the results of these reforms by focusing on the neoliberalisation of the university and the professional subordination of peripheral IR communities to the Western-dominated epistemic community (including 'brain drain' and recruitment of 'organic' intellectuals). Based on the interviews conducted with Balkan IR scholars, the authors conclude that informality is viewed as social capital, that is, a means of acquiring benefits by virtue of personal ties with the 'gatekeepers' of core IR. In that respect, interviewees suggest three possible solutions for overcoming the epistemic dependence of the Balkan IR community: development of local standards, stimulation of critical approach and better preparation for international standards, while the authors of the article also propose the fourth possibility: abandoning the core-periphery division, and thinking beyond geopolitical and geocultural divisions - the main idea behind the Global IR project
Savremeni problemi arapskog sveta
Get PDFIn this paper, we will try to present the most important problems of the Arab world today. In doing so, we will be guided by the idea of highlighting what challenges the whole world faces. The Arab world is located at the crossroads between East and West. From that point of view, what is happening among the Arabs must have an impact on the relations of all those who communicate with each other via the Arab world. It is especially important to point out that the Arabs are among the largest exporters of crude oil. And that shows how much the situation in the Arab world is something that affects the entire planet.U tekstu ćemo pokušati da predstavimo najvažnije probleme arapskog sveta danas, s idejom da istaknemo ono što predstavlja izazov za čitav svet. Arapski svet je smešten na sredokraći svih puteva između Istoka i Zapada te, samim tim, svi događaji u arapskom svetu imaju uticaj na odnose svih koji preko arapskog sveta međusobno komuniciraju. Posebno je važno istaći i to da se Arapi ubrajaju u najveće izvoznike sirove nafte, zbog čega se taj uticaj oseća na celoj planeti
Conceptualizing poverty in the social policy and practice of socialist Yugoslavia
Get PDFThe focus of this paper is on the concept of poverty and its implementation into regulations, policies and practices for the protection of the poor during the period in which socialism was the official doctrine in Yugoslavia (1945-1991). The introductory part of the paper is followed by the Marxist explanations of poverty and their adaptation in socialist Yugoslavia. The description and analysis of poverty during the socialist period in Yugoslavia, as well as its ideological and administrative constructions and reconstructions in and through the social welfare system are put forward in the central part of the paper. The objective of the paper is to present the way that the concept of poverty was framed in the policy field, how it was interpreted, as well as how these policies were implemented with a view to guaranteeing "freedom from necessity" in the society of post-war Yugoslavia. The methodological approach deployed is the qualitative analysis
Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ
Get PDFThe dissertation Institutionalization of parties and party systems in the countries of the former SFRY discusses the genesis and evolution of the political parties and party systems, the process of institutionalization of both the parties and party systems alike, and their impact on the stability of political institutions and overall social stability in the countries of former Yugoslavia. The main aim of the dissertation is to determine the extent to which the parties and party systems have been institutionalized and the role of the aforementioned processes in the establishment of stable and functional democratic institutions. The research consists of twenty-eight (28) case studies of political parties in six (6) countries, which opted for the multi-party system as a part of the process of democratization. The dissertation is based upon a theoretical framework that, although de facto separates these two processes of institutionalization, emphasizes the impact political parties have on the political systems. However, while the institutionalization of the political parties is associated with the stability of individual political parties, the institutionalization of the party systems concerns the capacities of the system in its totality. The model of 15 and 8 indicators is used to analyze the institutionalization of political parties and political systems. Index assigned to political parties used to analyze the level of institutionalization of parties generates Party Institutionalization Index (PII), and index assigned to party systems generate Party System Institutionalization Index (PSII). The main argument of the dissertation is that political parties are key factors in all democratic political systems and that they substantially influence the democratic capacity and stability of a society. The general hypothesis of the dissertation is the claim that the institutionalization of political parties and the party systems have a positive effect on the stability of political institutions and society on the whole. I am using a regression model in which the indexes of institutionalization of political parties and political systems form the independent variables and the parameters of stability as the dependent variables. These parameters consist of the existing indexes which are used for a ten-year average – which measures the stability of democratic institutions, political stability and absence of violence, government efficiency and government performance and the degree of consensus building.U disertaciji Institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema u zemljama bivše SFRJ istražuje se nastanak i razvoj političkih partija i partijskih sistema, procesi institucionalizacije partija i institucionalizacije partijskih sistema, kao i njihovi efekti na stabilnost političkih institucija i širu društvenu stabilnost u zemljama bivše SFRJ. Osnovni cilj rada je utvrđivanje stepena institucionalizacije partija i stepena institucionalizacije partijskih sistema i uloga ovih procesa u izgradnji stabilnih i funkcionalnih demokratskih institucija. Studija obuhvata dvadeset osam (28) političkih partija u šest (6) zemalja koje su nastale raspadom SFRJ i koje su krenule u razvoj demokratskih političkih sistema sa uvođenjem višepartizma. Rad se zasniva na teorijskim polazištima koja ova dva procesa institucionalizacije posmatraju kao odvojena, iako veoma bliska s obzirom da političke partije kroz svoje delovanje stvaraju partijski sistem. Naime, institucionalizacija političkih partija je proces koji se vezuje za pojedinačne partije i njihovu stabilnost, dok se institucionalizacija partijskih sistema odnosi na sistem u celini i njegove kapacitete. Za analizu institucionalizacije partija koristi se model od 15 indikatora za svaku pojedinačnu političku partiju, dok se za partijske sisteme koristi model od 8 indikatora iz kojih se dobijaju indeksi institucionalizacije za partije (IPI) i za partijske sisteme (IIPS). Polazna osnova u radu je da su političke partije ključni akteri političkog života u svakom demokratskom političkom sistemu i da njihovo delovanje bitno utiče na demokratske kapacitete i na stabilnost u svakom društvu. Kao generalna hipoteza postavljena je tvrdnja da institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema pozitivno utiču na stabilnost političkih institucija i društva u celini. Uz indekse institucionalizacije partija i partijskih sistema, kao nezavisne varijable, u regresioni model stavljam parametre stabilnosti, kao zavisne varijable. U tim parametrima su postojeći indeksi za koje pravim desetogodišnji kompozitni skor (prosek) i koji mere stabilnost demokratskih institucija, političku stabilnost i odsustvo nasilja, efikasnost vlade, funkcionisanje vlade i stepen izgradnje konsenzusa
Elections for the European Parliament in the Czech Republic and Slovakia
Get PDFУ раду ће се разматрати избори за Европски парламент који су одржани у Чешкој и Словачкој. Ове државе су од чланства у Унији до сада учествовале у четири изборна циклуса. Оно што карактерише обе државе је релативно мала излазност бирачa на изборима за ЕП, која је у Словачкој у свачетири изборна циклуса била убедљиво најнижа на нивоу Европске уније. Разматрајући претходне изборне циклусе, настојаћемо да укажемо на неке трендове који су обележили учествовање ове две државе на изборима за Европски парламент. Представићемо све релевантне политичке партије и актере који су до сада остварили значајне изборне резултате и који су били, или су и даље, чланови Европског парламента. Од првих избора за Европски парламент на којима су учествовале Чешка и Словачка, велики број политичких партија је имао посланичка места у ЕП. То је у великој мери последица фрагментисане политичке сцене у овим државама, у којима се појавио и већи број нових политичких групација и партија које су брзо стекле своје присталице и гласаче. Многе велике и претходно етаблиране партије су доживеле пораз на изборима, чиме се велики број бирача приклонио новим политичким партијама. Новина европских избора 2019. године је улазак крајње десних странака у Европски парламент, у обе ове државе. На овим изборима је повећана и излазност бирача у односу на претходне изборне циклусе, али је упркос томе остала и даље најнижа на нивоу целеУније.The paper will discuss the European Parliament elections held in the
Czech Republic and Slovakia. So far, these countries have participated in the four election
cycles since their membership in the Union. What is characteristic of both countries is
relatively low voter turnout in the elections for the EP, which in Slovakia in all four election
cycles was the lowest on the level of the European Union. Considering previous electoral
cycles, we will try to point out some trends that marked the participation of these two countries
in the European Parliament elections. We will present all relevant political parties and
actors who have so far achieved significant electoral results and who, or are still, are members
of the European Parliament. Since the first elections for the European Parliament in
which the Czech Republic and Slovakia took part, a large number of political parties held
seats in the EP. This is largely a consequence of the fragmented political scene in these countries,
where a large number of new political groups and parties emerged that quickly gained
supporters and voters. Many large and previously established parties were defeated in the
elections, with which a large number of voters bowed to new political parties. The news of
the European elections in 2019 is the entry of extreme right parties to the European Parliament,
in both of these states. In these elections, the turnout of voters increased comparing it
to the previous election cycles, but nevertheless remained the lowest on the level of the whole
Union
Izbori i predstavljanje nacionalnih manjina u Srbiji 1990-2020
No full textOvo poglavlje analizira učešće političkih partija nacionalnih
manjina na parlamentarnim i lokalnim izborima u Srbiji od 1990. do 2020. godine.
S obzirom na to su se od 1990. godine izborni zakoni nekoliko puta menjali u manjoj
ili većoj meri, cilj poglavlja je da istraži efekte različitih izbornih pravila na
zastupljenost manjina u Narodnoj skupštini i skupštinama lokalnih samouprava.
Analiza pokazuje da su izmene izbornih zakona do sada bile usmerene ka povećanju
zastupljenosti najbrojnijih i politički najorganizovanijih manjina, dok malobrojne
manjine od 2008. godine uspevaju da ostvare simbolično prisustvo u predstavničkim
institucijama samo na lokalnom nivou