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Effects of the Ideas of the October Revolution in Russia on the Foreign Policy of Yugoslavia in the Period 1945-1947
No full textThis paper explains how the ideas that initiated the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 were embedded in the foreign policy of Yugoslavia after the end of World War II. From the very beginning (1945), the political actors of Yugoslavia had directed foreign policy towards bilateral cooperation, first of all with the Soviet Union, and with other democratic countries. All foreign policy issues were solved in the context of belonging to the socialist political camp, on the wings of the World War II victory and national liberation from the occupiers and the capitalist way of organizing society. Such a socialist foreign political course lasted only until the end of 1947. However, the article considers that there had been an October Revolution sentiment in Yugoslavia long before the adoption of the socialist organization of society after 1945. For this reason, apart from the international importance of the idea of the October Revolution, attention is directed towards analysis of the continuity of the idea of the revolution in Yugoslavia (1919-1945), and then towards the foreign policy practice of Yugoslavia observed through the analysis of primary political sources (1945-1947)
Populist communication in the post-truth age: A comparative analysis of treatment of journalists by Donald Trump and Aleksandar Vučić
Get PDFThe populist communication model of perceiving journalists as "the enemies of the state", presented in the political communication of the 45th US President Donald Trump, seems to be not only reserved for the US but has become a trend for populist leaders worldwide. Such rhetoric has been revitalized by the recent rise of populism in Western Europe, fostered in Central and Eastern Europe and recognized in the local media landscape in Serbia. Tis paper compares the communication models of US President Donald Trump and the Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić as directed toward journalists. The results show that these leaders use a similar communication pattern: they favour divisive issues, stressing a friendly vs. unpatriotic media, alienating the media outlets and contributing to the further polarisation in media and society. This research is based on a qualitative analysis of 12 press conferences, including media statements chosen for their unique interactions with media representatives
Jugoslovenski socijalistički feminizam u odnosu na savremene teorije nastale u presjeku pitanja klase i roda
Get PDFThe subject of this PhD thesis is the development of Yugoslav socialist feminism between 1975 and 1990, from the point of view of contemporary theories that emerged at the intersection of gender and class analysis. In order to delineate the position of Yugoslav socialist feminism in the history of leftist feminisms, we trace the dynamic relationship of women's and workers' liberation movements from the end of the 19th century, via so-called second-wave leftist feminist currents, to the modern tendencies. In particular, the thesis provides a comparative interpretation of the works by Vida Tomšič, Blaženka Despot and Nada Ler-Sofronić, according to these three criteria: how do these authors reinterpret the classics of Marxism; how do they explain the relationship of the concepts of class and gender; and what was their opinion on the so-called women's question within the workers' movement, that is, on feminist organizations. Based on this, we identify two original Yugoslav leftist approaches to feminism: the socialist self-management approach to the women's question, which emerged from the tradition of classical Marxism, linking it with the Yugoslav self-management theory, and the Yugoslav socialist feminism, which critically approaches the classical cannon, intersects and develops further on the second-wave leftist approaches in relation to the theory and practice of socialist self-management. In addition, the study of this corpus goes beyond mere interpretation of the past. It also addresses important questions for the present moment, regarding the possibilities of forging alliances between feminism and Marxism, as well as the other progressive movements. By doing so, we aim at re-establishing a continuity with the leftist feminist tradition in the region, a contiuity that was briefly interrupted during the 1990s and 2000s, and thus, at intervening into the history of Yugoslav thought on feminism and Marxism alikeRazvoj jugoslovenskog socijalističkog feminizma, u periodu od 1975. do 1990, iz ugla savremenih teorija nastalih na presjeku analiza roda i klase, tema je ove doktorske disertacije. Kako bi se odredilo mjesto jugoslovenskog socijalističkog feminizma u ljevičarskoj feminističkoj istoriji, prati se istorija dinamičnog osnosa pokretâ za žensku i radničku emancipaciju od kraja devetnaestog vijeka, preko ljevičarskih feminističkih struja tzv. drugog talasa, do savremenih tendencija. Uporednom metodom, interpretiraju se opusi Vide Tomšič, Blaženke Despot i Nade Ler-Sofronić, prema tri kriterijuma: kako ove autorke reinterpretiraju klasike marksizma; kako objašnjavaju odnos pojmova klase i roda; i kakav stav imaju prema tzv. ženskom pitanju u okviru radničkog pokreta, odnosno prema feminističkim organizacijama. Na osnovu toga, u radu se prepoznaju dva originalna jugoslovenska ljevičarska feministička pristupa: samoupravni pristup ženskom pitanju, koji nastaje u tradiciji klasičnog marksizma, povezujući je sa teorijom samoupravljanja, i jugoslovenski socijalistički feminizam, koji kritički pristupa klasičnom kanonu, te premrežava i nadgrađuje drugotalasne lijeve pristupe sa teorijom i praksom samoupravljanja. Proučavanje ovog korpusa tekstova ne zadržava se samo na interpretaciji prošlosti, već postavlja pitanja od ključnog značaja i za savremeni trenutak, koja se tiču mogućnosti savezništva između feminizma i marksizma, kao i drugih progresivnih pokreta. Takođe, uspostavlja se, tokom devedesetih godina prošlog i prve decenije ovog vijeka nakratko prekinut, kontinuitet sa ljevičarskom feminističkom tradicijom u regionalnim okvirima, čime se interveniše u polje jugoslovenske istorije teorijske misli i feminizma i marksizm
The value basis of political communication in Serbian election campaigns from 1990 to 2017
No full textВ статье освещаются ценностные основы стратегий избирательных кампаний в
Сербии, от первых состоявшихся парламентских выборов до настоящего времени.
Авторы, проанализировав избирательные программы и факторы, влияющие на рациональность выбора граждан, исследуют взаимосвязь между обозначенными ключевыми темами избирательных кампаний и образом политического лидера, которые являются определяющими факторами электоральной мотивации.The authors attempt to address the dominant value orientations in electoral communication, identifying theme frameworks of electoral campaigns in Serbia since the re-establishment of multipartism
in 1990. They find it possible to identify two key value orientations: until 2000 the protection of the
national and state interest was the key instrumental value for realization of the supreme goal – better
living of citizens, affluence; while after 2000, the state’s accession to the European Union was proclaimed the means for achieving this goal. In the longest part of the post-2000 period, the European
integration topic was the subtext of electoral communication in a broader sense. Achievement of better
living through the accession to the European Union as the dominant value orientation since 2000 has
also been proclaimed as the basis for realization of the main instrumental value from political and
electoral life of the 1990s – the protection of the national and state interest. The authors also find that
the domination of value and the emotional over the rational during campaigns challenges their potential programme-wise character. Formation of voting decision is, then, “moved” to the realm of irrational determinants – value and emotional attitudes of voters towards leaders, whereas thematic campaigns are easily transformed into leadership ones, often accompanied with negative and disqualifying
contents. The reason for this is that the parties are poorly profiled ideologically and programmatically,
poorly socially based and are with underdeveloped infrastructure. This raises another important question: the issue of electoral motivation in the so-called to transitional societies such as Serbian. Namely,
in these societies, thirty years after the first multiparty elections were held, there is no developed party
identification as the most general and strongest factor of electoral motivation. That is why the second
most important factor of electoral motivation emerges: the image of a party leader who can be trusted
to deliver on election promises
The tragedy of the selfie
No full textRazvoj društvenih mreža, novih medija, digitalnih aplikacija i komunikacijskih platformi reaktuelizovao je problem usamljenosti savremenog čoveka, ali doprineo i nastanku novih fenomena koji, iako ne direktno, imaju veze sa usamljenošću. Jedan od njih je i smrt zbog selfija. Reč je o aktivnostima i radnjama pojedinaca koje dovode do tragičnog ishoda, iako su prvenstveno zamišljene kao igra. Gotovo da bi se moglo govoriti o novom medijskom žanru, tragediji selfija, koji se u određenim aspektima može dovesti u vezu i sa antičkom tragedijom kao pozorišnim žanrom. Svakodnevno do nas dopiru priče o ,,tragičnim junacima” koji su izgubili život slikajući se mobilnim telefonom, jednostavno želeći da zadive virtuelni auditorijum nekom svojom ,,ludošću” i ,,začudnošću”. U osnovi njihovog medijsko-dramskog performansa je ,,oneobičavanje” stvarnosti, ali i potreba za privlačenjem pažnje i izazivanjem utisaka kod drugih.
Tragični pad „junaka” tragedije selfija, kao i onaj „tragičnog čoveka” na pozorišnoj sceni u antičkim dramama, u vezi je sa određenom nesmotrenošću ili greškom koju svako može počiniti. I savremene junake i „osrednje karaktere” tragedije selfija, kao i one pre mnogo vekova u Eshilovim delima, može da zaslepi strašna Ate, boginja zaslepljenosti, duševnog nemira i obmane, i namami ih u svoje mreže i ponore. U radu nastojimo da objasnimo osobenosti ovog medijskog žanra, upoređujući ga u određenim aspektima sa antičkom tragedijom, zastupajući tezu da je savremeni čovek, iako u visokotehnološkom komunikacijskom okruženju, žrtva usamljenosti, a da je naš svet u dubini svog bića duboko tragičan i podeljen.The development of social networks, new media and communication platforms has reactivated the problem of loneliness of the contemporary man, but also contributed to the emergence of new phenomena that, although not directly, have to do with loneliness. One of them is death due to selfies. It is about activities and actions of individuals that lead to a tragic outcome, even though they are primarily intended as a game. It is almost possible to speak of a new media genre, the tragedy of the selfies, which, among other things, can be linked to the ancient tragedy as a theatrical genre. Every day we hear the stories of “tragic heroes” who lost their lives by taking photos with their phones, simply wanting to amaze the virtual audience with their “craziness” and uniqueness. At the core of their media-dramatic performance is playing with the categories of the real and the illusory, but also the need to attract attention and to impress others. The tragic fall of the “hero” of the tragedy of the selfies, as well as that of the “tragic man” in the theatrical scene in ancient dramas, is related to a certain recklessness or mistake that anyone can commit. Contemporary heroes and “mediocre characters” of the tragedy of the selfies, as well as those many centuries ago in Aeschyl’s works, can be blinded by the terrible Ate, the goddess of blindness, mental restlessness and deception, and lured into her networks and abysses. The paper seeks to explain the peculiarities of this media genre. It is argued that the modern man, although in a high-tech communication environment, is a victim of loneliness, and that our world is tragic and divided
Teorije o nasilju nad starijima – resurs za praksu
No full textFenomen nasilja nad starijima propraćen je razvijanjem teorijskih os nova koje predstavljaju osnov za njegovo saznavanje, razumevanje i analizu, kao i za kreiranje odgovarajućih preventivnih i interventnih pristupa. Iako po stoje brojne teorije o nasilju nad starijima, gerontolozi smatraju da one nisu u potpunosti zadovoljavajuće, iz različitih razloga. U ovom radu, naglasak je na pregledu dostupnih relevantnih teo rijskih okvira. Oni su grupisani u tri kategorije: inter-personalne (teorija stresa i opterećenja negovatelja, teorija socijalnog učenja, teorija društvene razmene, teorija dijadičkog nesklada i teorija porodičnih odnosa uslovljenih moćima), socio-kulturološke (teorija rutinskih aktivnosti, teorija moći i kontrole i teorija ejdžizma) i multisistemske (teorija društveno-kulturo loškog konteksta, ekološka teorija i kontekstualna teorija). U radu se ukazuje na osnovne postulate svake teorije unutar ovih kategorija, na njihove domete, prednosti i ograničenja, uz dokaze iz istraživanja, tamo gde oni postoje. Do datno, razmatra se relevantnost teorija sa stanovišta kreiranja programa i mera usmerenih u pravcu borbe protiv nasilja nad starijima. Faktori rizika za nasilje nad starijima, takođe predstavljaju deo rada, s obzirom na njihov zna čaj za objašnjenje nasilja nad starijima. Osnovna pretpostavka u radu je da je neophodno kombinovati raz ličite teorije u svrhu objašnjenja različitih formi nasilja nad starijima. Nijedna ne predstavlja kompletno obrazloženja, s obzirom da različitost vr sta samog nasilja nad starijima. Međutim, neophodno je i uvećano oslanjanje na dokaze koji bi bili kreirani u robustnim longitudinalnim istraživanjima. Njihov značaj za praktična postupanja bio bi veliki, s obzirom na relativnu ograničenost efekata postojećih pristupa u praksi.The phenomenon of elder abuse is accompanied by the development of
theoretical approaches that represent a foundation for its knowing, understanding
and analyzing, as well as for creating of an appropriate preventive and intervention
measures. Although there are numerous theories of elder abuse, gerontologists
believe that they are not completely satisfactory, for various reasons.
In this paper, the emphasis is on an overview of available relevant theoretical
frameworks. They are grouped into three categories: inter-personal (theory of
caregiver stress and elder abuse, social learning theory, social exchange theory,
dyadic discord theory and family power-dependent relationship theory), socio-
cultural (routine activity theory, power and control theory and ageism theory)
and multi-systemic categories (theory of sociocultural context, ecological theory
and contextual theory). The paper points out the basic paradigms of each theory
within these categories, their scope, advantages and limitations, along with research
evidence, where existent. In addition, the relevance of theories from the point of view
of creating programmes and measures aimed at combating elder abuse is taken into
consideration. Risk factors for elder abuse are also a part of the paper, given their
importance for explaining elder abuse.
The basic hypothesis in the paper is that it is necessary to combine different
theories in order to explain different forms of elder abuse. None of them are complete
explanations, given the diversity of the types of elder abuse. However, there is also a
need for increased reliance on evidence to be created in robust longitudinal research.
Their significance for practical activities would be high, given the relative limitations
of effects of approaches created so far
Geopolitical Position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization within the Belt and Road Initiative
Get PDFThis paper will analyze the geopolitical position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) within the controversial, pretentious, and grandiose Chinese Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI). The paper shall be made of three parts. The first part will tackle geopolitical
schools that exist amongst Chinese academia and policymakers. Our attention will be focused on the debate on the geopolitical thoughts which occurred after publishing China`s
first military strategy in 2015. The second part of the paper will tackle the institutional development of the SCO. This Organization stems from the Shanghai Five mechanism which
China initiated in 1996 and which was supported by Russia, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan,
by Uzbekistan in 2001 and by India and Pakistan in 2017, respectively. By analyzing the
institutional development of the SCO, readers will be able to understand how the SCO
fits or, even, reinforce Chinese geopolitical ambitions. The third part of the paper will explain the role of the SCO in the Silk Road Economic Belt, that is, in the part of space that
Mackinder defined as Heartland. At the same time, we cannot ignore the upcoming role
of the SCO in Chinese maritime geopolitical ambitions, that is, in the space of Asia-Pacific
and Indo-Pacific. Still, different historical backgrounds, individual interpretation of security
interests, asymmetric levels of development amongst member states of the SCO are factors
that produce political and economic mistrust within the SCO. Additionally, economic and
trade globalization enhances two parallel trends. On one side, it enhances the flow of
goods, people, services, and capital, and on the other side, it reinforces the vulnerability
of borders and the flow of terrorists. Those challenges require pragmatic, flexible, and bold
approaches which should be based on respecting the interests of the SCO member states
and the guiding principles of the SCO
New Thought for New Age – Confucius Discourse in the Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of PR China, Case Study of the V4
No full textVisual metaphor and authoritarianism in Serbian political cartoons
Get PDFThis article examines how political cartoons reflected and mobilized resistance to growing authoritarianism and the personalization of power in contemporary Serbia. The focus is on the work of Dusan Petricic, the most influential political cartoonist in Serbia, which was published in daily Politika and weekly NIN between 2012 and 2017. Petricic's cartoons offer interesting insights into a dramatic decline of press freedom and the rise of authoritarian personalist rule in terms of both their content and political impact. The authors draw on quantitative content analysis and qualitative multimodal analysis to examine the key representational and stylistic features of Petricic's cartoons, both as a way to understand the relationship between his aesthetics and his political statements, and in order to critically assess some of the ways in which democratization conflicts may be expressed visually. Their analysis also draws on evidence from an in-depth interview with the author. In combining a systematic analysis of key visual patterns across a sample of cartoons with a comprehensive evaluation of how both visual and linguistic features work together to promote anti-authoritarian ideals and resistance, the article offers a framework to understand the political import of aesthetics in Serbia's democratization process
Odluka profesionalnog udruženja kao oblik restriktivnog sporazuma
Get PDFThe aim of this paper is to confirm the assumption about causal connection between cumulation of certain standard authorization of professional associations and an increase in anticompetitional risk. The main point of research is the infringement of competition by restrictive agreements between associations in respect of price policy. Th rough the analysis of a domestic case, administrative-law and judicial practices were considered through vital material-law elements of this kind of behaviour of association, with an estimation of aspects of determination of its illegal character. Analyses of various segments of professional association authorization overstepping, starting from proposals for determination of price frame, resulted in determination of interlinks between restrictive behaviour and harmful consequences of the same in respect of existing and potential members, competitors, consumers and a society as a whole. In conclusion of analyses the author points out the importance of predictability of criteria with the aim of prevention of illegal restrictive agreements within professional associations, on the one hand, and adjusted practice of punishments, on the other hand, as a road towards further improvement of competition culture in this field. Starting from the assumptions: that membership in a professional association may appear as a condition precedent for carrying out of a certain business activity, as well as that association disposes with an authorization of punishment for non-acting of members in accordance with the association decisions, in the form of non-renewal or confiscation of a license - the author comes to the conclusion about significant interest potential and a market power of a professional association. While danger of creation of an anticompetitional risk with business commercial association is defined in subject, risk with professional associations is mostly profiled in a subjective sense, having in mind qualifications and professional interlinking of their members. Acting in domain of determination of infringement of competition due to restrictive behaviour within a professional association requires stronger level of attention and overhanging by acting of an associational body in order to qualify an agreement between members of an association as a non-allowed one. Having said this, the author considers subjects who carry out the same business activity, but conflict of interests is not immanent for them - the basic purpose of membership in an association is exchange of professional experience and adjusted acting with the aim of promotion and protection of their profession. Significant infringement of competition in the form of restrictive agreements, further in domain of competition protection, requires the creation of practice, which will minimize the possible cases of this kind of behaviour in the future.Cilj ovog rada je potvrda pretpostavke o kauzalnoj vezi između kumulacije određenih standardnih ovlašćenja profesionalnih udruženja i porasta antikonkurencijskog rizika. Težište istraživanja je na narušavanju konkurencije restriktivnim dogovaranjem udruženja u pogledu cenovne politike. Kroz analizu slučaja iz domaće upravno-pravne i sudske prakse sagledani su bitni materijalno-pravni elementi ovakvog vida ponašanja udruženja i procesni aspekti utvrđivanja njegove protivpravnosti. Ispitivanje različitih segmenata prekoračenja ovlašćenja strukovnog udruženja, od davanja preporuka ka utvrđivanju cenovnog okvira, rezultiralo je utvrđivanjem korelacije restriktivnog ponašanja i štetnih posledica za postojeće i potencijalne članove, konkurente, potrošače i društvo u celini. U zaključnim razmatranjima se ukazuje na značaj predvidivosti kriterijuma u cilju preveniranja nedozvoljenih restriktivnih dogovora unutar profesionalnih udruženja, sa jedne, i usaglašene restriktivne prakse mera zaštite sa druge strane, kao puta ka daljem unapređenju kulture konkurencije u ovoj oblasti