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Protracted Armed Violence as a Criterion for the Existence of Non-international Armed Conflict: International Humanitarian Law, International Criminal Law and Beyond
Get PDFThe present article provides legal analysis of the concept of ‘protracted armed
violence’ which is part of the commonly accepted definition of non-international
armed conflict (NIAC). The International Criminal Tribunal for former
Yugoslavia interpreted this notion as the intensity requirement. However, the
practice of other international legal institutions that use this concept (such as
International Criminal Court and some other judicial institutions) is not always
coherent with this finding. This fact raised several theoretical and practical issues
in the process of interpretation and implementation of international legal norms.
Therefore, the aim of the article is to critically reassess the ‘protracted armed
violence’ concept in various branches of international law and to contribute to
the better understanding of the NIAC phenomenon
Spoils System Is Not Dead: The Development and Effectiveness of the Merit System in Western Balkans
No full textThe paper analyses the development of the merit system and its effectiveness in the administrations of the Western Balkan countries. The origins and benefit of the merit system are described in the article. The basic hypothesis is that in most Western Balkan countries the spoils system remains a reality, despite the fact that the law stipulates the merit system. The main argument for this hypothesis is based on one element of the merit system, and that is recruitment and employment in the public services sector. This segment of the merit system is most often violated because public service employment in the Western Balkans is not obtained objectively, i.e., from a pool of best candidates, but given to those who support the ruling party, which is particularly evident during election campaigns.
The paper analyses this phenomenon and points out that the so-called reliable votes are the core of the problem. The article explains this phenomenon and provides guidance on possible solutions to the identified problems
Balkan na posthladnoratovskom raskršću : (1989-2020)
No full textMonografija Balkan na posthladnoratovskom raskršću (1989–2016)
predstavlja rezultat mojih deceniju i po dugih istraživanja savremenih i
otvorenih pitanja u odnosima između zapadnobalkanskih aktera i
najznačajnijih subjekata. Ona su se odvijala većinom u okviru naučnih
projekata Instituta za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, kao i njegove
saradnje s današnjim Ministarstvom spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije,
a ranije Ministarstvom inostranih poslova Savezne Republike Jugoslavije.
Takođe, određeni broj projekata, u vezi s multilateralnim i bilateralnim
odnosima u regionu Zapadnog Balkana, realizovao sam i u nevladinom
sektoru (Evropski pokret u Srbiji, Centar za spoljnu politiku, Centar za
međunarodne i bezbednosne poslove – ISAC fond i tako dalje).
Zapadni Balkan je i dalje dominantno usmeren na vlastite, tj.
unutrašnje probleme i nedovoljno je okrenut prilično zakasneloj, ali i sve
izvesnijoj, evropskoj perspektivi. Zagušen u aktuelnoj vlastitoj perifernoj
ulozi, Zapadni Balkan i dalje ostaje predmet različitih interesa globalnih
aktera, koji se prelamaju i u ovom delu Evrope, a prevashodno u
posthladnoratovskom periodu. Iako je danas evidentno da je „zapadna
hemisfera“ objektivno postala (pre)dominantna u ovom delu Evrope,
očigledno je i da drugi akteri nisu u potpunosti zadovoljni vlastitim
pozicioniranjem (pre svega Ruska Federacija). Takođe, i unutar same
Evropske unije postoje određene države koje su u značajnijoj meri
usmerene ka Zapadnom Balkanu u odnosu na njen ostatak. Teško da se
s tim u vezi može zaobići sve aktivnija i osnažena uloga Savezne
Republike Nemačke. Takođe, postupno se javljaju i drugi subjekti, poput
Turske ili Narodne Republike Kine.
Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji i Severnoatlantskom savezu predstavlja
otelotvorenje krucijalnih spoljnopolitičkih težnji država Zapadnog
Balkana i zapravo njihov spoljnopolitički prioritet. U tom smislu se
postupno sklapa i EU i NATO „slagalica“ bilo približavanjem ovih zemalja
članstvu u njima ili pak zahvaljujući punopravnom članstvu. Takođe,države regiona Zapadnog Balkana postupno, ili bolje rečeno usporeno,
ipak poboljšavaju vlastite bilateralne odnose i istovremeno snaže
regionalnu saradnju na temelju okvira koji su uspostavljeni pod
dominacijom pre svega Evropske unije, ali i uz izvesni „nadzor“
Sjedinjenih Američkih Država.
Proučavanje i analiza savremenih (zapadno)balkanskih odnosa, ipak,
u velikoj su meri vezani za izrazito tešku naučnu prognozu onoga što će
se u ovom delu Evrope dešavati. Često se tokom savremene istorije
Balkana događalo da sami događaji, koji su usledili, negiraju svako
pozitivno predviđanje ovdašnjih prilika.
Ipak, i pored brojnih problema, kao i vidljivih i nevidljivih
antagonizama na Balkanu, koji su često ostavljali utisak krajnje
besperspektivnostitokom proteklih decenija, dolazilo je neretko do teške
ali vidljive pobede upravo onih snaga koje su se zalagale prevashodno za
mir, a potom i za saradnju svih ovdašnjih država, entiteta i ostalih aktera.
U Beogradu, 25. januara 2016. godine
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The political economy behind the gradual demise of democratic institutions in Serbia
No full textThis paper aims to accomplish two goals. First, to present recent empirical evidence supporting the claim that Serbia is on the path towards embracing a more radical version of electoral authoritarianism. This is accomplished by examining most recent illiberal politics aimed at controlling electoral processes and the media sphere, and extracting public funds for partisan purposes. I claim that the incomplete design of democratic institutions in Serbia set up between 2001 and 2012 is primarily responsible for the democratic decline. The second goal is more general and aims to emphasize the importance of extracting public funds for hybrid regimes. Extractive institutions matter because they directly impact other critical segments of electoral authoritarianism (notably, elections and media freedom), but also because they explain the type of leadership they promote in politics. If public resources remain without proper institutional oversight and are simply 'up for grabs,' this will attract leaders more willing to dismantle democratic institutions and violate democratic procedures. Serbia serves as a good and current example of this linkage
Kritičko mišljenje na srpskim digitalnim portalima
Get PDFThe paper explores critical thinking in columns as a genre of analytical journalism, taking on the peculiarities of digital media such as hypertextuality, multimedia and interactivity. Through an analysis of over eighty columns from various portals, the topics of columns in online journalism will be considered, deriving which journalists write analytically today and whether they write critically. The research sample has enabled analysis of 85 columns published in the period from July 1 to July 31, 2020 on the N1, Nova.rs and Pečat portals. Out of the total of 85 published columns in the given period, 13 columns were published on the N1 television portal, 19 on the Pečat portal and 53 on the Nova.rs portal. The main goal of the research was to determine whether and to what extent critical thinking was present on these online portals.U radu će biti istraženo kritičko mišljenje u kolumnama, kao analitičkom novinarskom žanru, kroz koji novinar iznosi krajnje ličan, slobodan, subjektivni stav. Specifičnost je što smo se opredelili da predmet analize budu kolumne na digitalnim portalima, koje delom liče na ovaj žanr u štampanim medijima, ali poprimaju osobenosti digitalnih medija kao što su hipertekstualnost, multimedijalnost i interaktivnost... Kroz analizu preko osamdeset kolumni sa tri različita portala, biće ukazano koje su dominantne teme kolumni u onlajn novinarstvu, koji novinari danas pišu analitički i da li pišu kritički. Uzorak istraživanja čini 85 kolumni objavljenih u periodu od 1. do 31. jula 2020. na portalima "N1", "Nova.rs" i "Pečat". Od ukupnog broja analiziranih kolumni u datom periodu, na portalu televizije "N1"objavljeno je 13, na portalu "Pečata" 19, a na portalu "Nova.rs " 53 kolumne. Glavni cilj istraživanja je bio da se utvrdi u kojoj meri postoji i na koji način komunicira sa publikom kritičko mišljenje na onlajn portalima
Uloga vulgarizama u rijaliti programima u Srbiji
Get PDFThe style of expression in various media is a particular field of scientific research. Clarity of style implies that expressions appropriately convey certain information, but in reality programmes there are no essential facts that need to be expressed clearly. This implies the possibility of impairing the clarity of style and the use of a non-public lexical stock, such as vulgarisms. The increasing use of vulgarisms is evident in the reality programmes of Zadruga and Parovi, which are aired on the two Serbian commercial television stations with national frequency with the highest viewership, ratings and the longest daily and annual broadcasting times. Exploring the role of vulgarism in these shows provides a deeper insight into the editorial policies, discursive rules and creative freedoms of those who decide what is said and how it is said in the media. In this paper, a comparative study of the two most viewed reality programmes was made and several certainties regarding vulgarisms occurring on one or the other programme were highlighted, with a contextual review of the social, moral and creative role of expression in the reality programmes.Stil izražavanja na medijima je posebno polje naučnog istraživanja. Jasnost stila podrazumeva da se koriste izrazi koji su podobni za iskazivanje određene informacije, ali u rijaliti programima nema suštinski važnih činjenica koje treba izraziti jasno. Otuda proističe mogućnost narušavanja svojstva jasnosti stila i upotreba leksičkog fonda koji nije podoban za javnost, kao što su vulgarizmi. Sve veća upotreba vulgarizama primetna je u rijaliti programima Zadruga i Parovi, što su rijaliti emisije na dve komercijalne televizije sa nacionalnom frekvencijom u Srbiji sa najvećom gledanošću i najdužim emitovanjem tokom dana i godine. Istraživanje uloge vulgarizama u tim emisijama omogućuje dublji uvid u uređivačke politike, diskurzivna pravila i kreativne slobode onih koji odlučuju o tome šta se govori i kako se govori na medijima. U ovom istraživanju napravljena je komparativna studija dva najgledanija rijaliti programa i ukazano je na nekoliko pravilnosti u vezi sa vulgarizmima koje se odvijaju na jednom ili drugom programu, uz kontekstualni osvrt na društvenu, moralnu i stvaralačku ulogu izražavanja u rijaliti programima
Lost at the waterfront? Explaining the absence of green organisations in theDon't let Belgrade D(r)ownmovement
No full textThe Don't let Belgrade D(r)own, protest movement against the city's controversial waterfront development, is one of the largest civil society campaigns in post-Milosevic Serbia. Despite engaging an eclectic mix of activists, there has been no tangible participation by Belgrade's well-established environmental NGOs (ENGOs). The absence of ENGOs is all the more surprising given the project's well-documented threat to surface water, increased risk of flooding, and air pollution. The extant literature would suggest that EU enlargement, distancing of green organisations from domestic grassroots agendas as a consequence of external donor funding, and widespread NGO fatigue are to blame. In addition to these explanations, we contend that the limited participation of ENGOs was also due to ideological differences and initial framing of the activism by those who had emerged from, and become disenchanted with, the NGO sector
Priroda i karakter Evropske unije i problem predstavničke demokratije
Get PDFAfter more than three decades of primarily economic expansion, the European Union has entered a much more sensitive phase of its development. It has set off on "a road less travelled" concerning these forms of supranational organization - political integration. The result is in every sense a unique and extraordinary creation, albeit unfinished, unprecedented in the history of international relations, particularly in the area of supranational integration. That is why one of the key issues requiring explanation is whether the functioning of the European Union is really based on representative democracy, and, in this context, whether political parties, as its chief exponent in nation-states, contribute to "the formation of European political awareness and the expression of the will of citizens of the Union" at the European level. If we take into account the existing constitutional order of the European Union and the place of Europarties in it - their role, formal, legal and procedural framework of action not yet clearly defined - it is obvious that they are not able to contribute to "the formation of European political awareness and the expression of the political will of the Union citizens".Posle više od tri decenije razvoja sa dominantno ekonomskim predznakom, Evropska unija je ušla u mnogo osetljiviju fazu svoga razvoja. Pošla je "putem kojim se ređe ide" u ovakvim oblicima nadnacionalnog organizovanja - putem političke integracije. Rezultat je u svakom smislu jedinstvena i izuzetna ali i nedovršena tvorevina, bez presedana u istoriji međunarodnih odnosa, a posebno u oblasti nadnacionalnog integrisanja. Zato je jedno od najvažnijih pitanja da li je funkcionisanje Evropske unije zaista zasnovano na predstavničkoj demokratiji, i u tom kontekstu, da li političke stranke, kao njen ključni nosilac u nacionalnim državama, na evropskom nivou doprinose "formiranju evropske političke svesti i izražavanju volje građana Unije". Ukoliko imamo u vidu postojeći konstitucionalni poredak Evropske unije i mesto koje u njemu zauzimaju evrostranke - bez jasno utvrđene uloge i formalnopravnog i proceduralnog okvira delovanja - očigledno je da one nisu u stanju da doprinose "formiranju evropske političke svesti i izražavanju volje građana Unije"
The Impact of Full and Partial Social Cleavages on Party Systems - A Comparative Analysis of the Countries of the former SFRY
Get PDFParty systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and socio-structural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved
Reafirmacija prava nerođenih na život
Get PDFU ovom članku autor razmatra etičke i religijske
argumente u korist prava nerođenih na život.
On ukazuje da su latinski oci, pod uticajem
Aristotela, uglavnom bili skloni da zastupaju
teoriju o naknadnom ili postepenom oživljavanju
embriona, dok gotovo svi istočni oci do danas
smatraju da je embrion od trenutka začeća ličnost.
Кonsekvenca učenja o naknadnom oživljavanju
embriona je mogućnost abortusa do trenutka
oživljavanja. Zastupnici učenja o reinkarnaciji
duše smatraju da je abortus dozvoljen sve dok se
duša ne useli u telo. Ukoliko je već embrion
ličnost, abortus predstavalja moralni prestup,
osim u slučaju da je ugrožen život majke. Autor
opovrgava argument da je abortus dozvoljen ukoliko
prenatalna dijagnostika ustanovi da će se roditi
hendikepirano dete, jer i takva osoba je ličnost.In this article the author considers ethical and religious
arguments in favour of the right to live of the unborn.
He indicates that Latin Fathers, under the influence of
Aristotle, were principally prone to support the theory
about subsequent or gradual animation of an embryo,
while almost all Eastern Fathers up to this day consider
that an embryo is a person since the moment of its
conception. The consequence of teaching about sub-
sequent animation of an embryo is the possibility of
abortion until the moment of its animation. Advocates
of the teaching about reincarnation of the soul consider
that abortion is allowed until the soul enters the body.
If embryo is already a person, the abortion represents
a moral transgression, except is allowed if prenatal
tests confirm that the child to the born is handicapped,
because such person is still a person