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From today until tomorrow: working conditions of informal collectors of secondary raw materials in the context of COVID-19 crisis
Get PDFNeformalni sakupljači sekundarnih sirovina žive i rade u veoma lošim uslovima, a u kontekstu izmenjenom COVID-19 krizom javile su se nove teškoće koje su dodatno ugrozile njihov položaj.
Više nego ranije, potrebno je pokazati solidarnost prema ovoj društveno ranjivoj grupi koja doprinosi celokupnom društvu. Osnovna istraživačka namena ovog rada je da na konzistentan
način prikaže novi kontekst u kojem rade neformalni sakupljači, odnosno da identifikuje nove teškoće sa kojima se oni suočavaju. Metodološki pristup obuhvata analizu sadržaja prethodnih istraživanja i terensko istraživanje (upitnik i intervju sa 15 neformalnih sakupljača) realizovano na teritoriji grada Šabac. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na nepovoljan uticaj COVID-19 krize na kontekst rada neformalnih sakupljača, koji se ogleda u: ograničenju radnog vremena; onemogućavanju rada na deponijama i ulicama (zbog karantina, policijskog časa ili strože kontrole zabranjenih aktivnosti vezanih za neformalno sakupljanje); ograničenju saradnje sa domaćinstvima koja ne žele da budu u kontaktu sa neformalnim sakupljačima zbog straha od virusa; povećanom riziku ugrožavanja zdravlja. Novi kontekst rada je uzrokovao brojne teškoće, poput smanjenja zarade, gladovanja, povećanja konkurencije na ograničenim mestima rada i narušavanja zdravlja. Podrška neformalnim sakupljačima od strane javnog sektora u otežanim uslovima nije dovoljna, a kontinuirana podrška u naturi obezbeđena je uglavnom kroz civilni sektor. Izazovi sa kojima se susreću neformalni sakupljači zahtevaju izmenu pristupa politike i prakse, kao i podsticanje društvene solidarnosti.Informal collectors of secondary raw materials live and work in very poor conditions, and in the context influenced by COVID-19 crisis, new difficulties have arisen which have further endangered their posi- tion. More than before, it is necessary to show solidarity towards this socially vulnerable group that contributes to the whole society. The main research purpose of this paper is to consistently present the new context in which informal collectors work, ie to identify new difficulties they face. The methodological approach includes the analysis of the content of previous research and field research (questionnaire and interview with 15 informal collectors) conducted in the city of Sabac. The results of the research indicate the unfavorable impact of the COVID-19 crisis on the context of the work of informal collectors, which is reflected in: limitation of working hours; disabling work on landfills and streets (due to quarantine, curfew or stricter control of prohibited activities related to informal collection); restricting cooperation with households that do not want to be in contact with informal collectors for fear of the virus; increased risk of health hazards. The new work context has caused a number of difficulties, such as declining wages, starvation, increased competition in limited jobs and health problems. Support to informal collectors by the public sector in difficult conditions is not sufficient, and continuous support in kind is provided mainly through the civil sector. The challenges faced by informal collectors require a change in policy and practice approach, as well as the encouragement of social solidarity
Digitalization supporting participative democracy and sustainable development
Get PDFRazvoj IT je otvorio sjajan prostor za veću dostupnost informacija i svih vrsta
znanja, što je važan činilac razvoja i obogaćivanja demokratije. Istovremeno,
time je otvoren prostor za dezinformacije i zloupotrebe informacija, te smo sve-
doci ozbiljnog urušavanja demokratskih institucija, procedura odlučivanja i,
konačno, ugrožavanja ljudskih prava i u najvećim demokratijama na planeti.
Veliki broj autora ukazuje da digitalizacija nije tehničko, niti inženjersko pita-
nje već da ima ozbiljne socijalne i političke implikacije. Srbija spada u zemlje
koje imaju sistemsku korupciju sa kojom nijedan od režima od 2000. godine ne
izlazi na kraj, zbog nespremnosti političkih elita da se odreknu ovih unosnih
vidova bogaćenja. Ovaj rad će se fokusirati na tri teme: prva se bavi kvalitetom
javnih nabavki u Srbiji, problemom slabe dostupnosti ugovora u javnosti, te
velike štete koje se pri tome nanose našem društvu. Druga tema je kvalitet jav-
no-privatnih partnerstava – dobra i loša praksa, kojom treba da se obezbedi
uspešna realizacija projekata za koje javni sektor sam nema dovoljno sredstava,
te se oslanja na privatni. Ipak, kod nas ovi projekti često služe za zloupotrebe i koruptivne aktivnosti. Treća tema je slaba dostupnost informacija vezanih za
prostorne planove i za gradnju kao izuzetno profitabilne oblasti.The development of IT industry has provided numerous possibilities for better
access to information and knowledge, which has been an important element
for democratic development. At the same time, it has opened a large space for
disinformation and abuse of information – therefore we have been witnessing
severe decline of democratic institutions, decision-making procedures and violence of human rights even in the well-established democracies in the world.
Numerous authors highlight the fact that the process of digitalization is not
merely technical or engineering issue, but it drives serious societal and political implications. Serbia has been among the countries with worrying systemic
corruption, and every government since democratic changes in 2000 has failed
to deal with it, mostly because political elites have not been ready to give up
these lucrative forms of enrichment. Therefore, this paper focuses on three important issues: first, the quality of the public procurement procedures in Serbia,
the problem of poor public availability of contracts, and severe damage of these
problems to our society. Secondly, the paper highlights the quality of public-private partnerships, their good and poor practices, and the ways for successful
implementation of the projects which do not get funded by the public sector,
and therefore turn to private funds. However, in Serbia these projects often serve
as a platform for various forms of abuse and corruptive activities. Thirdly, the
paper discusses poor availability of information in regards to urban planning
and building industry as highly profitable policy fields
New Forms of Employment and Their Impact on Working Conditions in Digital Age in Serbia - A Case Study of Car: Go
No full textDigitalization has created significant changes in the work environment. These
changes have redefined the business landscape and its boundaries, thereby creating new forms
of work. The most important new forms of employment are crowd employment and work
on-demand via apps. These changes require the active involvement of various social actors
to ensure the minimum protection of labour rights. This raises the important question: Can
the social mobilization of these workers protect their rights? To answer this question, we will
define different terms and use various indicators. We will also use the case study of ‘Car: Go’
to explain the impact of digitalization on labour rights. In conclusion, collective action by
workers is necessary in order to change regulations and ensure the protection of their rights
Regional cooperation in the western Balkans – long-term waiting for membership in the European union and/or the “Balkan union”
No full textГенеза регионалне сарадње на Западном Балкану протекле две и по деценије имала је различите етапе, уз дуготрајне кризе и проблеме у вези са развојем властитог концепта. У овом раду аутори стога анализирају њене досадашње домете, са посебним акцентом на период након трансформације Пакта за стабилност у Југоисточној Европи у Савет за регионалну сарадњу почетком 2008. године, као и на покушај реконцептуализовања сарадње у оквиру Западнобалканскешесторке током 2013. године. Истовремено они пажњу посвећују и дометима Берлинског процеса након 2014. године и стварања новог облика преласка регионалне сарадње у регионалну економску интеграцију (Заједничко
регионално тржиште) с краја 2020. године. У том контексту аутори разматрају да ли ће да уследи и продубљивање политичке сарадње кроз евентуално оснивање заједничког
парламента Западног Балкана и увођење редовних састанка
председника влада и министара иностраних послова. Аутори зато указују и на одређена страховања у региону да би већ отпочета интеграција у области економске
сарадње, која би била праћена и продубљеном политичком сарадњом, могла резултирати оснивањем „Балканске уније”. То суштински наилази на значајне отпоре и противљења
у региону Западног Балкана због страха да ће она постати трајно решење, које као такво дугорочно искључује чланство држава региона у Европској унији.The genesis of regional cooperation in the Western Balkans over the past two and a half decades has had different stages, with long-term crises and problems related to the development of its
own concept. Therefore, in this paper, the authors have analysed its achievements so far, with special emphasis on the period after the transformation of the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe into the Regional Cooperation Council in 2008, as well as on the attempt to
reconceptualize cooperation within the Western Balkans Six in 2013. At the same time, they pay attention to the achievements of the Berlin Process after 2014 and the creation of a new form of transition of regional cooperation to regional economic integration (the Common
Regional Market) from the end of 2020. In that context, the authors are considering whether it will come to the deepening of political cooperation through the eventual establishment of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western Balkans and the introduction of regular
meetings of prime ministers and foreign ministers. The authors, therefore, point to certain fears in the region that the already initiated integration in the field of economic cooperation, which would be accompanied by intensified political cooperation, could result in the establishment of the “Balkan Union”. This essentially encounters significant resistance and opposition in
the Western Balkans region due to the fear that it will become a permanent solution, which as such excludes the membership of the countries of the region in the European Union in the long run
European citizenship and constitutional patriotism: towards a more solidary Europe
Get PDFPandemija korona virusa ponovo je stavila na agendu pitanje solidarnosti i ekonomske redistribucije unutar Evropske unije. Zdravstveni sistemi država Juga su najpogođeniji pandemijom, a došlo je i do ekonomske i socijalne krize. Zahtev za preraspodelom bogatstva, mutualizacijom dugova i zajedničkim finansiranjem ekonomskog oporavka u početku nije naišao na odobravanje „štedljivih” država. Za razliku od rasprava o krizi evropskog duga vođenih nakon Svetske ekonomske krize iz 2008. ovoga puta krizu su proizveli eksterni faktori, što je otupelo snagu argumenata zasnovanih na navodnoj neodgovornosti pojedinih država. Autor polazi od pretpostavke da je nadnacionalno udruživanje neophodno radi uklanjanja negativnih efekata ekonomske globalizacije. U tekstu ispituje evropsko građanstvo, te kako ovaj koncept može pospešiti stvaranje solidarnijeg poretka. Problem posebno predstavlja da ono što je „urgentno potrebno da se uradi je ekstremno nepopularno i stoga praktično nemoguće demokratski uraditi” (Offe 2013), a tiče se mutualizacije dugova i stvaranja jedinstvenog fiskalnog sistema unutar Evropske unije. Autor posebno ispituje oblik građanstva zasnovan na konceptu ustavnog patriotizma (Habermas 2006; Muller, 2010). Zajedničko sećanje na posleratnu pomoć nemačkoj ekonomiji (Young 2020) ovoga puta se može iskoristiti kao motivacija za slične politike solidarnosti.The corona virus pandemic has once again put the issue of solidarity and eco-
nomic redistribution within the European Union on the agenda. Unlike the
discussions on the European debt crisis conducted after the World Economic
Crisis from 2008, this time the crisis was produced by external factors, which
blunted the strength of the arguments based on the alleged irresponsibility
of certain countries. The author starts from the assumption that supranation-
al association is necessary in order to remove the negative effects of econom-
ic globalization and rejects the sovereignist answers. The paper examines the
notion of European citizenship, and how this concept can accelerate the cre-
ation of a more solidary order. The problem is especially the fact that “what is
urgently needed to be done is also extremely unpopular and therefore demo-
cratically virtually impossible to do” (Offe, 2013). Solving the problem would
include broad economic redistribution, mutualization of debts, and even the
creation of a single fiscal system within the European Union. The author spe-
cifically examines the form of citizenship based on the concept of constitution-
al patriotism (Habermas, 2006, Muller, 2010). One of its elements, the shared
memory of post-war aid to the German economy (Young, 2020), this time can
be used as a motivation for similar solidarity policies
Posledice pandemije na ljudsko pravo na razvoj u Srbiji
Get PDFPitanje ophođenja države i poštovanja ljudskih prava u vreme pandemije različito je od slučaja do slučaja i zavisi od stanja demokratije i standarda društva. Ono što ovim radom nastoji da se istraži jeste u kojoj meri (ni)je Srbija ispunila svoje tri osnovne obaveze kada je reč o ljudskim pravima, da ih poštuje, štiti i ispunjava, posebno kada su u pitanju prava solidarnosti kao prava III generacije ljudskih prava. U ova prava spada pravo na razvoj koje je usko povezano sa pravom na mir, a koja se prepoznaju kao suspendovana ili čak zanemarena tokom tekuće krize. Takav čin implicira da posledice trpe i politička i građanska, kao i ekonomska, socijalna i kulturna prava polazeći od pretpostavke da su ove generacije prava (I, II i III) međusobno povezane. Uslovi primene mera stavljanja van snage ljudskih prava predviđaju da je proporcionalnost preduzetih mera u odnosu na pretnju prvi standard, potom njihov prostorni i vremenski domašaj. Kroz prvo poglavlje, koje se fokusira na ljudsko pravo na razvoj u najširem smislu, rad analizira da li je kroz tri vremenske dimenzije (tokom vanrednog stanja, u vreme parlamentarnih izbora i nakon izbora u Srbiji) došlo do kršenja prava solidarnosti, da li su odluke državnih organa odgovarale domašaju pretnje i ima li izazvanih posledica. Naredno poglavlje analizira koje instrumente zaštite međunarodni mehanizmi (EU, OUN, SE) mogu da pokrenu (hoće li) u slučaju kršenja ljudskih prava tokom pandemije u Srbiji. Zaključna razmatranja dovode i do odgovora o neophodnosti reforme kolektivnih/pojedinačnih sistema zaštite ljudskih prava kao jedne od posledica pandemije
Gender-based violence at the intersection of gender and class: historical and contemporary perspectives
Get PDFU tekstu se analiziraju ključni argumenti ljevičarskofeminističkih pristupa rodno zasnovanom nasilju kao jednom od osnovnih mehanizama održavanja kapita-lističkog sistema. Ova tema pojavljuje se već u radovima klasika marksizma, međutim tek u toku perioda tzv. drugog talasa ona se na specifičan način artikuliše kao zasebna tema u užefeminističkoj perspektivi. U savremenom pristupu teorije socijalne repro-dukcije (TSR), rodno zasnovano nasilje postaje predmet proučavanja uvezan sa drugim aspektima strukturnog nasilja – globalnim, ekološkim, klasnim, rasnim, heteronorma-tivnim.U ovom tekstu, nakon sažete istorije lijevofeminističkih pristupa fenomenu rodno za-snovanog nasilja, akcenat se stavlja na neke od gorućih dilema i izazova pristupa TSR, i to posebno u kontekstu krize izazvane globalnom pandemijom COVID-19. Naime, kriza je učinila nesporno vidljivim da se savremeno kapitalističko društvo zasniva na radu ključnih radnica i radnika, koji trpe višestruko sistemsko nasilje.S tim u vezi, u tekstu se razmatra pitanje kako pomoću TSR prevazići stepen deskripcije problema strukturnog nasilja i teorijski utemeljiti njegovo objašnjenje, koje bi podrazumijevalo i nivo opšte kritike sistema, ali i konkretne nivoe realizacije nasilja. I drugo, koje alate pristup teorije socijalne reprodukcije osmišljava kako bi rodno zasnovano strukturno nasilje moglo biti prevaziđeno.The paper analyzes the key arguments in the left-feminist approaches to gender-based violence as one of the main mechanisms underpinning the capitalist system. Already present in the works of classical Marxist thinkers, it was only during the so-called Second Wave period that this theme became articulated as a distinct issue within a more specifically feminist perspective. In the contemporary approach provided by the social reproduction theory (SRT), gender-based violence becomes a research subject intertwined with other aspects of structural violence – global, ecological, class-based, racial, heteronormative.In this paper, a brief history of the left-feminist approaches to the phenomenon of gen-der-based violence is followed by the treatment of some of the burning questions and challenges of the SRT approach, particularly in the context of the crisis caused by the global COVID-19 pandemic. This crisis has made plainly visible that the contemporary capitalist society is based on the labour of essential workers – male and female, exposed to multiple forms of systemic violence. Additionally, the paper analyzes the ways in which SRT can help overcome the stage of mere description of the problem of structural violence and provide a theoretical foundation for its proper analysis; this would include both general criticism of the system, and the treatment of specific instances of violence. Finally, the papers discusses the tools provided by social reproduction theory that can help overcome gender-based violence
Reflections of social politics and social work students during emergency state caused by the Covid 19 pandemic in Serbia
Get PDFPandemija virusa Kovid 19 dovela je do promena u svakodnevnici ljudi i proizvela osećaje nesigurnosti i anksioznosti koji mogu imati negativne posledice na učenje i psihološko zdravlje studenata. Prelaskom na online nastavu na Fakultetu političkih nauka Univerziteta u Beogradu, za studente socijalne politike i socijalnog rada uvedena je predispitna obaveza pisanja refleksivnih dnevnika sa ciljem da se identifikuju, prepoznaju i osveste sopstvene reakcije i doživljaji vezani za pandemiju i podstakne introspekcija i kritičko mišljenje studenata. Cilj rada je analiza dobijenih podataka radi dobijanja informacija o doživljaju studenata i reakcijama na pandemiju virusa Kovid 19 kako bi se stekle informacije o suočavanju sa situacijom pandemije ali i kreirale intervencije radi očuvanja i unapređenja mentalnog zdravlja studentske populacije. Primenjena je tematska analiza dnevnika u kojima su indetifkovane teme: odnos prema pisanju dnevnika, sagledavanje dobrih aspekata vanrednog stanja, porodični odnosi, variranje raspoloženja, odnos prema jelu i pripremi hrane, stvaranje strukture, razvoj kreativnosti, anksioznost, depresivna stanja, bes i strah. Rezultati ukazuju na značaj negovanja i očuvanja mentalnog zdravlja za dobrobit ljudi i na moguće pravce unapređenja praksi obrazovnih ustanova u kriznim situacijama.The pandemic of the novel corona virus has led to changes in people’s daily
lives and has produced feelings of insecurity and anxiety that can have neg-
ative consequences for students’ learning and psychological health. Upon
switching to online teaching at the Faculty of Political Science, University of
Belgrade, a pre-examination task of writing reflective diaries was introduced
for students of social politics and social work on two subjects: Counseling
and Sociotherapy and Social Work with Children and Youth.
The aim of the task was to identify, but also recognize and raise awareness of
reactions and experiences related to the pandemic and encourage introspec-
tion. The thematic analysis of 80 reflective diaries and selected topics were
presented: attitude towards writing diaries, understanding the good aspects
of the state of emergency, family relations, mood swings, attitude towards eating and food preparation, creating structure, developing creativity, anx-
iety, depression, anger and fear. The results indicate the importance of nur-
turing and preserving mental health for the well-being of people and the
possible directions for improving the practice of educational institutions in
crisis situations
Visualising the politics of appearance in times of democratisation: An analysis of the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade television coverage
Get PDFThe 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade represents a critical moment in the story of Serbia's democratisation process and highlights the threat that right-wing extremism poses to democratic rights and personal freedoms. Through a focus on patterns of visibility and visuality in the coverage of different protagonists in the streets of Belgrade, we explore the ways in which distinct communities perform their affinities, their right to be seen in public spaces, and rejection of 'the other'. We conduct a visual framing analysis across four news programmes (RTS, Prva TV, TV B92 and Pink TV), emphasising the stylistic-semiotic choices which work to construct the contested spaces of the city. In shifting attention to how the news images work to create the spaces of political 'appearance' and the potentials for political agency through mediated visibility, the article explores the uneasy ambivalence of the democratisation process for authorities and the resulting marginalisation of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community in news coverage