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Домети и етичка разматрања вештачке интелигенције у новинарству - перспектива студената новинарства
No full textThis study examines the perceptions of journalism students at the University of Belgrade concerning the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into the journalistic profession. Specifically, it explores their opinions toward the potential benefits and drawbacks of AI, its appropriate and inappropriate applications in newsroom settings, and the ethical dilemmas it may pose. The research was conducted among 204 final-year journalism students from the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Belgrade. A mixed-method survey was used, incorporating both closed and open-ended questions, as well as rating scales, to gather comprehensive data. Findings suggest that future media professionals are highly aware of the growing influence of AI on journalism. A significant majority of respondents perceive AI as having a strong or very strong impact on the field, while only a small number consider its influence to be minimal or limited. Although participants acknowledge both the opportunities and challenges posed by AI, the overall perception of its impact on journalism is predominantly negative.Овај рад испитује перцепције студената новинарства Универзитета у Београду о примени вештачке интелигенције (ВИ) у новинарској професији, тачније њихове ставове о позитивним и негативним утицајима, оправданим и неоправданим доменима примене у редакцијама, али и етичким изазовима које ова технологија са собом доноси. У ту сврху спроведено је истраживање које је обухватило 204 студента новинарства на завршној години студија на Факултету политичких наука Универзитета у Београду, а као метода истраживања коришћен је писани упитник комбинованог типа који садржи затворена и отворена питања, као и скале процене. Резултати показују да су будући медијски професионалци итекако свесни утицаја који ова технологија има на новинарску професију, па велика већина испитаника сматра да ВИ има велики или изузетно велики утицај на новинарство, док само мали број њих препознаје овај утицај као мали или ограничен. Иако истраживање открива да испитаници препознају и позитивне и негативне утицаје ВИ на савремено новинарство, овај утицај ипак оцењују као доминантно негативан
Children’s Participation in Decision-Making in the Republic of Serbia
No full textThis study explores children’s involvement in decision-making at the family, school, and
community levels. It analyses the views of government officials, NGOs, and experts on
barriers and opportunities for improvement. It also examines children’s participation in
decision-making in Serbia, highlighting the challenges in creating an inclusive environment.
Using a mixed-method approach, it gathers perspectives from 55 children through
questionnaires and eight children through focus groups, alongside inputs from decisionmakers, stakeholders, and NGOs involved in child rights promotion and protection. During
the qualitative phase of the study, interviews were conducted with representatives
from ten out of the twelve identified organizations that are relevant to the topic of child
participation in Serbia: Council for the Rights of a Child, Ombudsman’s Office, Office of
the Commissioner for Protection of Equality, Youth Council of the Ministry of Youth and
Tourism of the Republic of Serbia, UNICEF Youth Office, Center for Child Rights, Užice Child
Rights Centre, Network of Organizations for Children (MODS), and Union of Secondary
School Students of Serbia, Youth umbrella organization (KOMS). The organizations included
governmental and non-governmental bodies that play significant roles in promoting and
supporting the involvement of children in decision-making processes. The interviews aimed
to gather insights and perspectives on how these organizations perceive and facilitate child
participation and the challenges they encounter in this area. This approach allowed for a
comprehensive understanding of the current landscape of child participation in Serbia and
the various efforts different stakeholders made to engage children effectivel
Balkan Peace Index decision EXpert modeland data
No full textThis paper details the data collection process, dataset, andreuse potential of the Balkan Peace Index, a model designedto evaluate the levels of peacefulness in the Western Balkans.Data was gathered in phases: initially, a team of local expertsconducted on-ground data collection, interviews, and focusgroups, as well as using external international databases de-scribing different notions of peace. This data was then pro-cessed and classified on a predefined scale by another teamof experts using the Decision EXpert model. The BPI modelincorporates both quantitative and qualitative data, reflect-ing the local context. The comprehensive dataset is storedin the Mendeley Data repository and offers significant reusepotential for further research, policy-making, and sensitivityanalysis. This open-access resource aims to provide action-able insights for improving peace levels and preventing po-tential deterioration in the region
Foreign Policy Attitudes of Political Parties in Serbia: How Far From the East, How Close to the West?
No full textAfter providing a brief historical overview of the period after the 2000 democratic changes, this article aims to explore the foreign policy attitudes of the most relevant political parties in Serbia, with the goal of identifying both contested and “mainstream” aspects of Serbia’s foreign policy. Starting from 2007 and the unsuccessful negotiations on Kosovo’s status resolution, the paper explores how Kosovo’s unilateral secession influenced changes in Serbia’s foreign policy and continues to shape the foreign policy stances of Serbian parties. In that regard, the paper presents how official parties’ programmes view the country’s foreign policy through document analysis. A discourse analysis method is used to examine implicit aspects of parties’ foreign policy attitudes. The research is centred on the parties’ views on Serbia’s three key foreign policy principles: EU accession, military neutrality, and balanced cooperation with major powers. Research findings reveal that practically none of the opposition parties in Serbia strives to challenge the country’s official military-neutral status by advocating for NATO membership. In addition, the multi-vector foreign policy initially established during the DS government and further upgraded during the SNS government has been largely uncontested by most opposition parties. Although Serbian opposition is divided on the question of Serbia’s EU accession process, even Eurosceptic right-wing parties recognise the importance of cooperation with the EU
From Alienation to Youth Partisanship: Systematic Analysis of Research on the Change of Youth Participatory Culture in Serbia
No full textRad istražuje promene biračkih navika mladih i promene u stepenu participacije i političke mobilizacije. U studiji slučaja uzima se period između novembra 2024. godine i maja 2025. godine, koji su obeležile masovne studentske blokade univerziteta i organizovanja više socijalnih protesta. Cilj rada jeste da kroz sistematsku analizu dostupnih istraživanja stavova mladih rađenih u periodu od 2018. do 2024. godine identifikuje faktore koji su doveli do povećane participacije mladih u političkim aktivnostima. Rad pretpostavlja tezu da je studija slučaja Srbije važan socijalni momenat u kome se događa smena generacije političkih elita, od onih koje promovišu sigurnost kao dominantnu socijalnu vrednost ka onima koje promovišu pitanje dobro uređenog društva.The paper explores changes in the voting habits of young people and changes in the level of participation and political mobilization in Serbia. As a case study, it takes the period between November 2024 and May 2025, marked by massive student university blockades and the organization of several social protests. The aim of the paper is to identify, through a systematic analysis of available surveys of young people’s attitudes conducted between 2018 and 2024, the factors that have led to increased youth participation in political activities. The paper assumes the thesis that the case study of Serbia is an important social moment in which a generational shift of political elites is taking place, from those who promote security as the dominant social value to those who promote the issue of a well-governed society
How Do Hybrid Regimes Transition to Democracy? Lessons from Southeast Europe after 1990
No full textThis article analyzes regime change in hybrid regimes, focusing on post-communist
Southeast Europe, including the former Yugoslav republics and Albania after 1990. It
examines the conditions under which these regimes evolve from hybrid forms (electoral
authoritarianism) toward weak democracies. The authors identify competitive
elections, opposition organization, and mass protest as key variables in this process.
However, the authors argue that their effects are multiplicative rather than additive:
regime change depends on the interaction among these factors, not their individual
strength. The effectiveness of mass protest and opposition mobilization is mutually
contingent and shaped by the degree of electoral openness. It is this interplay—
between protest intensity, oppositional capacity, and electoral fairness—that critically
shapes the prospects for democratic breakthroughs in the region
From Kantian friendship to Benthamite partnership: transatlantic relations under Donald Trump
No full textThis paper examines the classification of dominant roles and cultures of anarchy in Alexander Wendt’s framework by integrating his theoretical insights with the International Relations (IR) literature on “thick” friendship. It addresses the theoretical question of whether there are indeed only three dominant roles and three corresponding cultures of anarchy, arguing that Wendt’s existing typology is not exhaustive and proposing the addition of a fourth ideal type—the Benthamite culture of anarchy, characterized by the dominant role of the partner. The paper applies the identified tendencies and features of this newly conceptualized role and culture to a case study of transatlantic relations during the first term of US President Donald Trump. It demonstrates that these relations were neither fully friendly (Kantian) nor genuinely rivalrous (Lockean), but rather exemplified a contested partnership occupying a middle ground
“In Defence of Europe”: pro-Ukraine activism and civil society mobilisation across Central and Southeast Europe
No full textStagnation in Western Balkans’ Security Regionalization: The Problem of Competing Regional Cultures of Anarchy
No full textThe problem in Western Balkans’ unstable and growingly challenged security
provision is identified by scholars and practitioners in too many actors with
diverse (regional) interests and lack of local states’ ownership in the regional
security regime. This chapter’s aim is to offer a more comprehensive reading of
the regionalization process—defining the Western Balkans as a regional complex
advancing towards regional society. Focusing on the content of security regionalism,
we answer “How can we explain the stagnation of security regionalisation
in the Western Balkans?” Based on the conceptual linkage between levels of
regionness and culture of anarchy, we make an empirical investigation of all 40
regional security institutions in operation mapped by MIND research project.
The results show that that the Western Balkan countries are currently practicing
divergent cultures of anarchy, moving from Hobbesian to Lockean culture of
regional anarchy and at the same time being strongly incentivized to accelerate
regional dynamics towards Kantian culture. The endogenous initiatives by
Western Balkan states expose countries’ interest to functionally cooperate on the
basis of interdependence needs (energy, environmental security, disaster prevention,
and crisis management) (strengthening Lockean culture of anarchy) but
lack willingness in cooperation in security areas that demand relaxed inward
orientation of states and would lead to trust and collective identity-building (elements
of Kantian culture of anarchy)
Politička kultura među mladima u Srbiji: interesovanje, participacija, zadovoljstvo, i poverenje
No full textThe main objective of this paper has been to empirically examine the four aspects of political culture of the youth in Serbia by using the statistical analysis based on the data from the eleventh round of European Social Survey. The new theoretical explanation of political culture is introduced, followed by its new classification with four distinct types – passive, cynical, protest and participatory political culture. We propose a general hypothesis that the dominant type of political culture among the youth in Serbia is cynical. Four supporting hypotheses related to the different aspects of political culture are established: political interest, political participation, satisfaction and trust in institutions. We expected that sociodemographic factors and ideological positioning would influence these components. The results indicate that the interest in politics and overall political participation among the majority of youth is low. Although some forms of participation have relatively high percentages, most of the respondents participated in only one political activity. Next, overall satisfaction and trust in institutions are below the neutral midpoint, indicating a dissatisfaction with the state of the country, particularly regarding political institutions, and a general distrust in these institutions. In addition, we observe that certain sociodemographic variables, such as education, emerge as significant in specific instances. However, those results are inconsistent and the available evidence is insufficient to support definitive conclusions about the presence of another form of political culture in certain sociodemographic categories. Based on these results, we argue that in the analysed period the prevailing type of political culture among the youth in Serbia was cynical.Osnovni cilj ovog rada bilo je empirijsko ispitivanje četiri aspekta političke kulture mladih u Srbiji korišćenjem statističke analize zasnovane na podacima iz jedanaeste runde Evropskog društvenog istraživanja. Ponudili smo novo teorijsko objašnjenje političke kulture, različito od onoga obuhvaćenog teorijom modernizacije, a zatim ga potkrepili klasifikacijom na četiri osnovne vrste: pasivna, cinična, protestna i participativna politička kultura. Određena je opšta hipoteza da je među mladima u Srbiji zastupljena cinična politička kultura. U cilju potvrđivanja prethodno pomenutog, postavili smo četiri potporne hipoteze koje se odnose na različite aspekte političke kulture: interesovanje za politiku, politička participacija, zadovoljstvo trenutnim stanjem u zemlji i političko poverenje. Pretpostavili smo da će na ove komponente uticati socio-demografske karakteristike (pol, region, obrazovanje, starost) kao i ideološko pozicioniranje ispitanika (pozicija na ideološkoj skali levo-desno). Rezultati su pokazali da većina mladih iskazuje nisko interesovanje za politiku (preko 80%), kao i nisku političku participaciju (preko 70% ako izuzmemo glasanje na izborima). Pojedini oblici participacije bili su zastupljeni u nešto većem procentu, ali sveukupno gledano većina mladih učestvuje u nijednom ili u svega jednom obliku političke participacije godišnje. Takođe, uprkos umerenom zadovoljstvu obrazovnim sistemom i umerenim poverenjem u policiju, prosečan opšti nivo zadovoljstva i poverenja u institucije bio je statistički značajno ispod neutralne pozicije. Rezultati regresionih analiza pokazali su nezavisan uticaj obrazovanja na političko interesovanje. Povećanje obrazovnog nivoa praćeno je povećanjem šanse za 96,2% da će mladi biti u kategoriji zainteresovanih za politiku. Takođe, primetna je povezanost starosti i političke participacije gde svako povećanje starosti za jednu godinu znači i oko 20% veće šanse za učešće u nekom obliku institucionalne političke participacije. Kada je u pitanju zadovoljstvo stanjem u zemlji, kao značajna izdvojila se interakcija pola i obrazovanja pri čemu se porastom obrazovnog nivoa smanjuju razlike među polovima u nivou zadovoljstva. Takođe, primetan je uticaj političke orijentacije na zadovoljstvo. Ispitanici koji su se pozicionirali kao desnica iskazali su najveće zadovoljstvo stanjem u zemlji. Identičan nalaz primećen je i kod poverenja u domaće institucije – ponovo su ispitanici koji se pozicioniraju kao desnica imali najviši nivo poverenja. Naposletku, kad je u pitanju poverenje prema domaćim institucijama, kao značajna izdvojila se i interakcija između regiona i obrazovanja, pri čemu razlike prema obrazovnom nivou variraju u zavisnosti od regiona. Pokazalo se da je u razvijenijim regionima porast obrazovnog nivoa praćen opadanjem poverenja. Na temelju prethodno navedenih rezultata tvrdimo da je u analiziranom periodu cinična politička kultura bila preovlađujući oblik političke kulture mladima u Srbiji. Primećena su sva četiri aspekta koja su potrebna za njeno određenje – nisko političko interesovanje, niska politička participacija, nisko zadovoljstvo stanjem u zemlji i nisko poverenje u institucije. Nalazi o značaju pojedinih socio-demografskih karakteristika pokazuju najčešće isticanje obrazovanja kao važnog prediktora, ali je taj uticaj bio inkonzistentan i često povezan sa drugim faktorima. Sveukupno, dobijeni nalazi nisu bili dovoljni za donošenje jasnih zaključaka o zastupljenosti nekog drugog tipa političke kulture u pojedinim socio-demografskim kategorijama