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Environmental Governance as Opportunity for China and EU Cooperation
Get PDFClimate changes, i.e. air pollution, water scarcity and soil contamination remain threats
and represent great challenge to Chinese efforts in making its development sustainable. Since
the very first developmental goals during the first decades of its policy of reforms and opening
did not follow high ecological standards, China became the world’s top emitter producing more
than a quarter of the world’s annual greenhouse emission. However, climate changes are not
only Chinese issues, their consequences are global in character. Thus, fighting climate changes
requires intercontinental and international cooperation. China pledged to cut emissions under
the Paris Agreement and is making great efforts by making environmental issue the priority in
the further developmental goals.
This paper analyses the Sino-EU relations and cooperation in creating “Green
civilization” and environmental global governance.
The first part of the paper tackles the development of the ecological state of mind in
China, particularly because China announced that it would become a climate neutral country.
In the same part of the paper, we are examining the development of the EU approach in
becoming the climate neutral space. The second part of the paper is focused on China`s
international cooperation in fighting climate changes, particularly the Sino-EU cooperation on
this particular issue, that is, making “Green civilization”.
We will examine whether this cooperation is opening new space for improving their
mutual cooperation and creating the harmonious atmosphere for a win-win cooperation of
further antagonizing currently disturbed relation
(Non)compliance of election and media legislation with international standards in relation to media in (pre)election campaign
Get PDFPredmet analize ovog rada je (ne)usklađenost izbornog i medijskog zakonodavstva sa međunarodnim standardima i dobrom praksom u vezi ponašanja medija u (pred)izbornoj kampanji. Kako se u Izveštajima o napretku Evropske Komisije i Izveštajima međunarodnih organizacija koje prate izbore, ali i dokumentima domaćih nevladinih organizacija, često navode problemi u toku trajanja izborne kampanje koji se tiču ili nedovoljno pravno uređene medijske scene u ovoj oblasti ili nepoštovanja već postojećih zakonodavnih okvira u Republici Srbiji, potrebno je bliže analizirati postojeće pravno stanje. Poseban akcenat će biti stavljen na rad Regulatornog tela za elektronske medije i javnog medijskog servisa, te na podzakonske i samoregulatorne akte koje bi ove institucije mogle da usvoje i/li primene, koristeći međunarodne standarde i najbolju praksu evropskih zemalja. Predmet analize biće, između ostalog, (ne)postojanje regulatornog okvira u vezi zaštite novinara i medijskih radnika u vreme (pred)izborne kampanje, predstavljanje javnog mnjenja, (ne)poštovanje principa besplatnog i jednakog predstavljanja političkih starnaka, koalicija i kandidata koji imaju potvrđene izborne liste za republičke, pokrajinske i lokalne izbore, u vreme predizborne kampanje i druge.This paper analyses the (non)alignment of election and media legislation with international standards and best practice in relation to media coverage in (pre)election campaign. Various reports written by international and national organizations, such as European Commission Progress Report, ODiHR Missions to Serbia and Council of Europe Parliament Assembly reports often state problems related to media and elections that are related to either loopholes in media/election legislation or lack of implementation of already existing regulatory framework in the Republic of Serbia. Therefore, the analysis of current legal situation is necessary. The work of the Regulatory authority for electronic media and of public service media will be looked at from the perspective of their implementation of international standards as well as current legal framework. The analysis will focus at (non)existence of regulatory framework for protection of journalists and media workers during (pre)election campaign, (non)existence of free and equal representation of political parties, coalitions and candidates with confirmed election lists for republican, regional and local elections, during (pre)election campaign and others
Relationalism and changes in international relations: an example of the influence of algorithmic power on the structure of everyday life and the emergence of national populism
Get PDFCilj ovog rada je da ukaže na prostor izučavanja fenomena nacionalnog
populizma iz perspektive nauke o međunarodnim odnosima i da pruži doprinos u vidu
interpretacije zašto je do pojave nacionalnog populizma u Evropskoj uniji (EU) i SAD
došlo nakon 2014. godine. Pojavom nacionalnog populizma u SAD i zemljama EU
uzdrman je opstanak liberalno-demokratskog paradoksa. Postoji veliki broj naučnih
objašnjenja koja pretenduju da razumeju kako je do ovoga došlo, a ta objašnjenja autor
svodi na kulturne, ekonomske i političke argumente, kao i argumente ljudske prirode i
dugoročne logike modernizma. Međutim, ostavljen je prostor da se odgovori zašto je
do pojave nacionalnog populizma došlo baš 2014. godine i to istovremeno u državama
EU i SAD. Autor iz relacionističke perspektive nauke o međunarodnim odnosima tvrdi
da je do promene na međunarodnom planu došlo zbog delovanja procesa koji oblikuju
ljudsku svakodnevicu. Potvrda ovakve teze zahteva interdisciplinarni pregled postojeće
literature relacionizma u međunarodnim odnosima, svakodnevnog nacionalizma, potom
literature koja se bavi uticajima algoritamske moći na strukturu ljudskog prisustva na
internetu, i postojećih radova koji ukazuju na to da je izvor snage nacionalnog
populizma, kako umerenog tako i ekstremnog, upravo svakodnevno prisustvo na
internetu. Dokazivanjem teze, autor ukazuje na značaj izučavanja procesa kako bi se
razumeli događaji i promena u međunarodnim odnosima nakon 2014. godine.The paper points out that there is a way to comprehend the phenomenon of
national populism from the perspective of the international relations discipline.
Additionally, to provide an interpretation of why national populism occurred in the
United States and the European Union after 2014. The emergence of national populism
in the United States and the European Union countries has endangered the survival of
the liberal-democratic paradox. There are numerous scientific explanations attempting
to explain how this phenomenon came about. In this paper, I will reduce these
explanations to cultural, economic, and political arguments and arguments about
human nature and the long-term logic of modernity. The author argues that these
explanations have a research gap since there is no answer to why national populism
occurred in 2014 simultaneously in the EU and the United States. As a set of tools in
the international relations discipline, the author finds that relationalism provides us
with lenses that can open up a space to claim that the simultaneous change, embodied
in the emergence of national populism, occurred due to a change in the structure of
the everyday. Therefore, the paper consists of an interdisciplinary literature review of
relationalism in international relations, everyday nationalism, the influence of
algorithmic power and algorithmic politics on the structure of human internet presence,
and the existing works that indicate the source of national populism’s emergence. By
proving the claims, the author points out the importance of studying processes in order
to understand the events and changes in international relations that have occurred
since 201
Political struggle over concepts: The crisis of democracy
Get PDFSveprisutnost reči kriza ne samo u svakodnevnom govoru, već i u akademskim radovima, nije ispraćena adekvatnim određenjem značenja reči. U prvom delu teksta autor nastoji da prikaže promene značenja reči kriza tokom istorije, argumentujući da kriza ne mora nužno imati negativnu konotaciju, već da može predstavljati priliku za promenu. U drugom delu teksta autor istražuje šta se podrazumeva pod pojmom „kriza demokratije“, pri čemu zastupa tezu da su tokom dvadesetog veka različiti autori, zavisno od svojih normativnih i političkih pozicija, pod time podrazumevali različite stvari, nudeći sasvim drugačija rešenja za krizu demokratije. Za objektivno stanje predlagana su različita subjektivna rešenja za prevazilaženje krize, što ilustruje da „demokratija“ i „kriza demokratije“ nemaju fiksirano značenje, već zavise od društvenog i političkog konteksta.This paper specifies the meaning of terms crisis and crisis of
democracy. The ubiquity of the word crisis, not only in everyday
speech, but also in academic papers, is not accompanied by
an adequate determination of meaning of the word. In the first
part of the paper, the author tries to show changes in meaning
of the word crisis throughout history, arguing that a crisis does
not necessarily have a negative connotation, but that it can be an
opportunity for change. It shows what the word meant during the
ancient period, when it encompassed the fields of law, medicine,
and theology, and how the transfer of meaning from medicine
to politics took place. The author especially points out duality
of meaning of the word – the crisis implies an objective state
that can be determined by impartial observation and, at the same
time, a subjective recommendation of a remedy for the crisis.
It is precisely the subjective moment that is an opportunity to
point out that the terms often do not have objective and scientific
meanings, but are colored by the normative and political positions
of the authors. In this way, the notion of “crisis of democracy”
is approached and the analysis of how the notion of democracy
was reconceptualized in the crisis periods (two crises during the
twentieth century and the current crisis of democracy). Hence, in
the second part of the paper, the author explores what is meant by
the term “crisis of democracy”, arguing that during the twentieth
century, different authors, depending on their normative and
political positions, meant different things and offered completely
different solutions to the crisis of democracy. For the objective
state of the crisis, various subjective solutions have been proposed
for overcoming the crisis, which illustrates that “democracy”
and “crisis of democracy” do not have a fixed meaning, but
depend on social and political context. When parliamentary
democracy was in crisis during the interwar period it was heavily
criticized for being ineffective in making decisions in times of
crisis and some authors argued in favour of switching towards dictatorship. On the other hand, parliamentarism is resented for
the fact that, by depoliticizing economic and social relations, it
has made sense to take over power through elections. Models
of radical democracy have been proposed as a solution to this
problem. After the Second World War, debates about the crisis
of democracy were conducted in the context of the Cold War,
when some theorists identified democracy with the elitist model.
Causes of the crisis are then found in the excessive demands of
the citizens and a robust welfare state. Limited participation and
disintegration of the welfare state was offered as a solution to
this problem This diagnosis of the problem and the proposed
solutions have been criticized in favor of greater participation
and overcoming the elitist model of democracy. The modern
crisis of democracy, especially after 2008, is manifested by the
growth of indifference and apathy among citizens. Political field
narrowing, impossibility of qualitative change through elections,
and growth of distrust towards political parties motivated
reconceptualization of liberal democracy in favor of participatory
models
Serbian and Croatian apologies: causes and effects of apologising and reasons for their limited influence
Get PDFU ovom radu analiziraju se izvinjenja koja su zvaničnici Srbije uputili Hrvatskoj, kao i izvinjenja hrvatskih zvaničnika upućena Srbiji u prethodne dve decenije. Rad odgovora na pitanje zašto su se određeni zvaničnici Srbije i Hrvatske izvinjavali drugoj strani, kao i koliko su u tome bili uspešni kratkoročno i dugoročno. Osnovna teza ovog rada jeste da su izvinjenja upućivana prevashodno kako bi se ostvario pozitivan utisak na međunarodnu i evropsku javnost, te da su svetonazor i percepcija pojedinaca koji su bili na ključnim funkcijama imali veliki uticaj na to da do izvinjenja uopšte dođe. Takođe, u radu se tvrdi i da je delotvornost izvinjenja bila
veoma ograničena, prevashodno iz razloga što unutarpolitičke okolnosti u državama čiji su šefovi ova izvinjenja uputili nisu ostavljale utisak da su ova izvinjenja iskrena i da su data u ime čitavog društva.This paper analyzes the apologies of Serbian officials to Croatia, as
well as the apologies of Croatian officials to Serbia in the previous
two decades. The paper explains why certain officials of Serbia and
Croatia apologized to the other side, as well as how successful they
were in that in the short and long term. The basic thesis of this paper
is that apologies were sent primarily to achieve a positive impression
on the international and European public and that the worldview and
perception of individuals who held vital positions had a significant
influence on the apology. Also, the paper claims that the apology's
effectiveness was very limited, primarily because the domestic politi-
cal circumstances in the countries whose bosses sent these apologies
did not leave the impression that these apologies were sincere and
given on behalf of the whole society
Générations médiatiques en Serbie
Get PDFU radu je istraživana mogućnost koncipiranja medijskih generacija u Sr-biji. Glavno istraživačko pitanje od kojeg se krenulo je oko kojih medija (kao tehno-logije i sadržaja)i iskustava povezanih sa njima se formirala generacijska pripadnost pripadnika tri generacije u Srbiji i kako se ona reflektuje u njihovom korišćenju medija u savremenom digitalnom okruženju? Uzorak su činili pripadnici tri generacije, svi su korisnici interneta i rođeni pre njegovog komercijalnog uvođenja u Srbiji: Posleratna generacija/Generacija P (1946–1964), Generacija X (1965–1980) i Milenijumci/Ge-neracija M (1981–1995). Polazeći od modela koji je definisao Goran Bolin, najpre je opisan „objektivni medijski ambijent“ koji opisuje razvoj medija i prelomni događaji tokom perioda odrastanja definisanih generacija. Zatim su fokus grupnim istraživanjem identifikovana medijska iskustva iz formativnog perioda života pripadnika generacija, ključna za razvoj osećanja generacijske pripadnosti i specifičnih korisničkih obraza-ca, kao i način na koji se oni danas manifestuju u digitalnom okruženju. Analizom je utvrđen značaj dva formativna perioda života. Kada je reč o medijima, pokazano je da pre možemo govoriti o generacijskim jedinicama koje manifestuju svoje specifičnosti unutar svake od definisanih generacija. Takođe, pokazano je i da medijske generacije možemo razlikovati prema korisničkim navikama, načinu na koji vide ulogu medija u društvu, očekivanjima koje imaju od medija i sopstvenom mestu kao korisnicima istih. Tako najstarija, „generacija tradicionalnih medija“ medije primarno vidi kao sadržaj. Za srednju, „miks-medijsku generaciju“ mediji su najpre tehnologija koja pruža različite mogućnosti. Dok su najmlađoj i prvoj „umreženoj generaciji“ mediji prostor u kome su stalno povezani sa drugima dok se istovremeno informišu, zabavljaju i uče/rade.This paper represents a small contribution to the study of media generations in Serbia. The research on which the paper is based starts from the model formu-lated by Goran Bolin, who drew on Karl Mannheim’s theoretical postulates. The principal question that has served as the starting point of inquiry is in what way media (as technologies and content) and related experiences affect the forming of generational belonging of media generations in Serbia, and how they influ-ence their use of media in the contemporary digital environment. In order to understand the context of the historical development of media in the formative period of life of generation members, the paper first provides a description of the “objective media environment”. It consists of key years in the development of media in Serbia, crucial social events reported on by the media, and socio-logical analyses that contribute significantly to the understanding of each of the generations studied. For the purposes of the second and third level of analysis, a focus group study was carried out with members of three generations. Using the classification proposed by Oblinger and Oblinger, also used today by the Pew Research Center, the generations have been defined as (1) the Post-war Generation or Generation P (1946–1964), Generation X (1965–1980) and Gen-eration M or Millennials (1981–1995). Their members were born before the intruduction of commercial intenet in Serbia, and grew up in different media and social environments. The second level of analysis, which Bolin terms the “subjective media environment”, involved a phenomenological approach to the study of generation members’ recollections of “first contacts” and subjective experiences contributing to the creation of a sense of generational belonging. Then, in order to establish which specific generational patterns are manifested in the contemporary media environment, an analysis was conducted of the way in which members of different generations use media today, which is the very reason they can be referred to as media generations. The research has high-lighted the importance of two formative life periods; also, it suggests that it is in fact media generational units that manifest their specificities within each of the defined generations. In addition, it has been found that media generations can be distinguished not only according to their current media habits, but also according to the way they perceive the role of the media in society, the expec-tations they have of the media, and their understanding of their own position as users of these media. Thus Generation P, as the “generation of traditional media”, perceives media primarily as content. Generation X, as a “mix of radio/music and internet generations”, sees media primarily as technology that offers various possibilities. Generation M, on the other hand, can be said to be the first “networked generation” for which the media are a space that enables them to be continuously connected to others, and in which they can obtain information, find entertainment, and study/work.Dans ce travail c’est la possibilité de concevoir des générations médiatiques en Serbie qui a été examinée. La principale question posée ici et le point de dé-part de la recherche est la suivante: autour de quels médias (en tant que techno-logie et contenu) et expériences liées à ceux-ci l’appartenance générationnelle des représentants de trois générations en Serbie s’est-elle formée et comment se manifeste-t-elle dans leur utilisation des médias dans l’environnement numé-rique contemporain ? L’échantillon est composé des représentants de trois gé-nérations, tous utilisateurs d’internet et nés avant son introduction commerciale en Serbie: La génération de l’après-guerre / Génération P (1946–1964), Généra-tion X (1965–1980) i Génération du millénaire/ Génération Y (1981–1995). En partant du modèle défini par Goran Bolin, c’est « l’environnement médiatique objectif » qui a d’abord été décrit, celui-ci englobant le développement des mé-dias et des événements décisifs au cours de la période de mûrissement des géné-rations définies. Ensuite, le travail se concentre sur les expériences médiatiques identifiées par une recherche de groupe de la période formative des vies des représentants des générations, décisives pour le développement d’un sentiment d’appartenance générationnelle et des modèles spécifiques d’utilisateurs, ainsi que la manière dont ils se manifestent aujourd’hui dans l’environnement numé-rique. L’analyse a confirmé l’importance de deux périodes formatives de la vie. Lorsqu’il s’agit des médias, il a été démontré que l’on peut plutôt parler des uni-tés générationnelles qui manifestent leurs spécificités à l’intérieur de chacune des générations définies. Il a aussi été démontré que les générations médiatiques peuvent être distinguées selon leurs habitudes. Il a aussi été démontré que nous pouvons distinguer les générations médiatiques selon leurs habitudes d’utilisa-teurs, la manière dont ils voient le rôle des médias dans la société, les espérances que leur apportent les médias et leur propre place en tant qu’utilisateurs de ceux-ci. Ainsi la « génération des médias traditionnels », la plus âgée, voit les médias principalement comme du contenu. Pour la génération « médiatique mixte », les médias sont avant tout de la technologie qui offre des possibilités variées. Enfin, pour la génération la plus jeune et la première « mise en réseau », les médias sont un espace dans lequel ils sont constamment connectés avec les autres, alors qu’ils s’informent, se divertissent et étudient/travaillent en même temps
Introduction: Contentious Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe
No full textThis article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes
The Three Versions of the Ultimatum Game: An Example from the History of Creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes 1914-1918
Get PDFWe examine the 1914-1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes as a form of the ultimatum game. The negotiations among the Serbian
Cabinet and the Yugoslav Committee representatives of the Habsburg Souths Slavs
from 1914-1918 exemplify three versions of this game. The first version is a typical
(rational choice) type of the ultimatum game in which the Receiver is satisfied with
any offer by the Proposer. The second version is an instance of behavioral game
theory. When the Proposer gives an unfair offer, it provokes an emotional reaction
in the Receiver who will reject it at the cost of harming themselves. We observe
this behavior in the emotional behavior of Frano Supilo, a Croat and one of the
leaders of the Yugoslav Committee. The third version of the behavioral ultimatum
game can be observed in the behavior of Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pašić who
opposed any concessions to the Yugoslav Committee, thus giving an ultimatum
to the Croat side to accept the Serbian offer or remain with nothing, which was
harmful to the Serbian side, too. This example is important because it produces
two conclusions. First, historical games are often a mixture of several versions. Second, Proposers, too, can have an emotional reaction and give an offer that can hurt
themselves. This aspect of the ultimatum game is less mentioned because it is difficult to simulate in experiments