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Nietzsches’s Criticism of Morality
No full textProblem
porekla
dobra i zla još od rane mladosti
bio je predmet
Ničeovog
interesovanja.
Za razliku
od onih koji moralne
norme
prihvataju
kao date i univerzalne,
koji veruju
u večne
natčulne
vrednosti,
Niče se nije ustručavao
da moral podvrgne
bespoštednoj
kritici.
On ističe
da ne postoji
moral kao takav, već različiti
morali,
koji su se uspostavljali
tokom istorije
shodno
potrebama
određenih
zajednica
da se
održe
i napreduju.
Кada kritikuje
moral kao protivprirodan,
kao nihilistički,
Niče
u vidu ima tradicionalni
evropski
moral, koji ima hrišćansko
poreklo.
Da bi diskreditovao
taj moral „stada“,
on ga s jedne
strane
poredi
sa aristokratskim
antičkim
moralom
gospodara,
a s druge
strane
genealoškim
metodom
pokušava
da pokaže
njegovo
nisko, nemoralno
poreklo.
Niče razlikuje
tri perioda
čovečanstva:
predmoralni,
moralni
i imoralni.
Dok je u predmoralnom
periodu
naglasak
bio na posledicama
nekog
postupka,
u moralnom
periodu
poreklo
postupka
izvodi
se iz namere
moralnog
subjekta.
Niče očekuje
da će se samoprevazilaženjem
moral transformisati
u imoralizam,
poziciju
s onu stranu
dobra i zla. Iako se slaže
sa Ničeom
da moralno
stanovište
nije najviše,
da ono podrazumeva
potiskivanje
nagonske
energije,
autor za razliku
od nemačkog
mislioca,
koji se opredeljuje
za imoralističko
slavljenja
života
i nesputano
ispoljavanje
volje za moć, alternativu
vidi u duhovnom
preobražaju
te energije.
Razlog
što Niče
hrišćanstvo
i hrišćanski
moral doživljava
kao proizvod
ljudi slabe
volje, slabog
ja,
autor vidi s jedne
strane
u Ničeovom
naglašenom
egocentrizmu,
a s druge
strane
u tome
što nije imao iskustvo
susreta
sa istinskim
hrišćanstvom.
Da je upoznao
svetitelje,
shvatio
bi da natprirodno
nije puka iluzija,
da je duhovna
sfera
zaista
iznad prirodne.Problem of the origin of good and evil had been the subject of Nietzsche’s interest since
his early youth. Unlike those who accept moral norms as given and universal, who believe in
eternal, supersensible, Nietzsche did not hesitate to submit the morality to a merciless criticism.
He emphasizes that the morality does not exist as such, but that there are different moralities that
were established throughout history, according to the needs of certain communities to sustain
and thrive. When criticizing morality as unnatural, as nihilistic, Nietzsche has in mind the traditional
European morality that has the Christian origin. In order to discredit the “herd” morality,
on the one hand, he compares it with an aristocratic ancient morality of the master, and, on
the other hand, by using a genealogical method, he tries to present its low, immoral origin. Nietzsche
distinguishes between three stages of humanity: pre-moral, moral, and immoral. In the
pre-moral period, the emphasis was placed on the consequences of a certain action, whereas in
the moral period, the origin of an action is derived from the intention of the moral subject. Nietzsche
expects that by self-overcoming, the morality will transform itself to immoralism, a position
beyond good and evil. The author agrees with Nietzsche in that the moral standpoint is not
the highest one, that it implies repressing the instinctual energy. However, unlike the German
thinker, who chooses immoralistic celebration of life and unrestrained manifestation of will to
power, the author sees the alternative in the spiritual transformation of that energy. Why does
Nietzsche experience Christianity and Christian morality as a product of persons of a weak will,
a weak self? The author sees the reason, on the one hand, in Nietzsche’s enhanced egocentricity,
and, on the other hand, in that he lacked the experience of meeting the true Christianity. Had he
met the sacred persons, he would have understood that the supernatural is not a mere illusion,
that the spiritual realm is, indeed, above the natural
Bukom protiv diktature: borba za simboličko predstavljanje
Get PDFU ovom radu analiziramo proces (političkog) predstavljanja iz ugla simbola kao subjekata reprezentacije. Fokusirajući se na slučaj protesta Bukom protiv diktature održanog širom Srbije na proleće 2020. godine, istražujemo kako simboli zauzimaju ulogu predstavnika, kako se kreiraju i menjaju značenja simbola i kako ovi procesi utiču na kreiranje identiteta predstavljenih, nas i Drugih. Za razliku od tradicionalnog politikološkog razumevanja simboličkog predstavljanja
kao statičnog i pasivnog, u radu pokazujemo da su značenja simbola promenjiva, da nastaju i menjaju se kao rezultat odnosa moći, ubeđivanja i osporavanja. Koristeći metodu analize predstavničkih tvrdnji, simboličko predstavljanje tokom građanskih protesta analiziramo kroz medijsko izveštavanje o protestu na podacima prikupljenim u vodećim dnevnim i nedeljnim novinama u periodu od 24.04. do 08.05.2020. godine. Rad predstavlja doprinos novijoj literaturi o predstavljanju koja političko predstavljanje vidi kao dinamičnu i relacionu aktivnost koja se odigrava ne samo u formalnim predstavničkim institucijama, već i u civilnom društvu
Сједињене Државе и рат против тероризма: цена Пирове победе
No full textThe withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan during August 2021 puts an end to the longest war that America has ever fought and the first phase of the Global War on Terrorism. In this regard, two important questions arise, which we will try to answer in this paper. First, what are the main external and internal consequences the United States has faced due to engaging in the “War on Terror”? Second, did the U.S. achieve its goals in that war? The external effects we have identified are the crisis of global leadership, the weakening of relations with the allies, the growth of China in the lee, and the rise of populism. Among the internal ones, we included the strengthening of the presidential function, the increase of state power, more profound social polarization, an increase in budget expenditures, and a growing deficit, as well as human casualties. Ultimately, we contributed to the debate on the nature of the U.S. “victory”. We are providing the argumentation that the final output of the War on Terror should be named Pyrrhic victory.Повлачење америчких трупа из Авганистана током августа 2001. године ставило је тачку на најдужи рат који је САД икада водила, као и на прву фазу глобалног рата против тероризма. У том смислу, јављају се два важна питања, на која ћемо покушати да одговоримо у овом раду. Прво, које су кључне спољне и унутрашње последице са којима се САД суочавају због рата против тероризма? Друго, да ли су САД постигле своје циљеве у том рату. Спољни ефекти које смо идентификовали су криза глобалног лидерства, слабљење односа са савезницима, раст Кине и раст популизма. Међу унутрашњим, издвајају се јачање председничке функције, повећање моћи државе, друштвена поларизација, повећање буџетске потрошње и растући дефицит, као и људске жртве. На самом крају, допринели смо дебати о природи америчке „победе“ у рату против тероризма, аргументујући да финални исход треба да буде сматран „Пировом победом“
"Belgrade to Belgradians, Not Foreign Capitalists": International Statebuilding, Contentious Politics, and New Forms of Political Representation in Serbia
No full textThis article belongs to a forthcoming special cluster, "Contention Politics and International Statebuilding in Southeast Europe" guest-edited by Nemanja Dzuverovic, Julia Rone and Tom Junes. One of the main criticisms concerning the process of post-conflict transition in Serbia has been the lack of context sensitivity and participation of the local population in the decision-making process, especially regarding the most important issues that were addressed during the political and economic transformation of the country that began in 2001. This criticism became especially pronounced from the beginning of the economic crisis in 2008, when the negative characteristics of international statebuilding became even more apparent, causing increased dependency on international institutions and further economic marginalisation of the most vulnerable groups. By looking at the movement "Don't Drown Belgrade" and the series of large-scale protests in Belgrade in 2016, the article seeks to explore the main reasons for social discontent with the international-led statebuilding agenda in post-conflict Serbian society and the local strategies employed to resist and subvert this form of statebuilding
Care Triangle or Care Diamond? The Case of Childcare and Eldercare in Serbia
Get PDFOverall changes in political, social and economic spheres in Serbia, along
with ongoing demographic processes, have affected various policies and all
aspects of people’s lives, including system(s) of care. While care became an
important analytical concept and category of social policy analysis internationally,
it has not been systematically applied in the analysis of the Serbian
welfare state. Incorporation of care in welfare state analysis is much needed
as its organisation in the national context reveals a lot about the nature of the
welfare state, changes in its socio-institutional arrangements and, most importantly,
the effects of provision. This article thus aims to outline the evolution
of childcare and eldercare policies in Serbia over the last decade, employing
the concept of the care diamond developed by Shahra Razavi, which allows
examining the “architecture” through which the care is provided: families/
households, markets, the state and the voluntary sector. By analysing the prevalent
care policy “architecture” for children and the elderly in Serbia and the
roles of different sectors in that respect, as well as by identifying similarities
and differences in the provision of childcare and eldercare in the national
context, the article exposes developments and current state in childcare and
eldercare provision in Serbia. The analysis indicates the profound role of the
informal sphere in both care systems in Serbia, childcare and eldercare. Some
differences between the two care domains could also be noted. These relate to
the configuration of welfare sectors involved in care provision, revealing the
modified shape of the care diamond in the case of childcare. That is, while all
four sectors are involved in providing care in the case of eldercare forming
an eldercare diamond, this is not the case with childcare. In the latter case,
the voluntary, nonprofit sector does not exist as a care provider in Serbia,
with childcare “architecture” having a shape of a care triangle. In light of
this evidence, the role of families and the voluntary, nonprofit sector should
be taken into account in future planning and funding of policies as well as in
their implementation
The ‘new normal’ in migration management in Serbia in times of the COVID-19 crisis
No full textThe COVID-19 pandemic has had severe consequences for the large-scale movement of populations within and across borders. Moreover, the crisis has had serious impacts on origin, transit and destination countries, as well as on migrant workers and their families. This paper aims to enhance the understanding of migration contexts in times of crises, as well as migrant-specific vulnerabilities, including the characteristics of stranded migrants in Serbia. Two phenomena have interacted to influence the shape and intensity of mobility in the country during the pandemic: that
of citizens returning from abroad in the wake of the economic downturn and changing labour markets, and that of irregular migrants and asylum seekers stranded in transit along the Western Balkan Migration Route. An emphasis is placed on the challenges faced by migrants, as well as those faced by the country itself in terms of migration governance and management in times
of crisis, questioning the existence of barriers to access to support. Despite the fact that these different groups of migrants will experience crises differently, it is important to explore the capacity of the country to assist them, both while in their country of origin and while in transit
Challenges to natural gas supply in Europe and regional cooperation
Get PDFOd početka 2021. godine primetan je rast cena prirodnog gasa na
evropskom tržištu, ali je tek od druge polovine godine cena dostigla rekordan
nivo. Tome je doprinelo nekoliko faktora od kojih su neki političke, drugi
ekonomske ili tehničke prirode, ali treba uzeti u obzir i uticaj vremenskih prilika
koje, takođe, igraju značajnu ulogu. U središtu razmatranja će biti i, naizgled,
paradoksalna situacija da se Evropa suočava sa problemom snabdevanja
prirodnim gasom u trenutku kada su dovršeni novi infrastrukturni projekti,
poput Transjadranskog gasovoda, Turskog toka (Balkanskog toka) i Severnog
toka 2. Cilj rada je da ukaže na značaj infrastrukture i regionalne saradnje kao
neophodnih preduslova za sigurno i nesmetano snabdevanje energijom.
Naročita pažnja biće posvećena regionalnoj saradnji na prostoru Jugoistočne
Evrope.Natural gas prices have risen on the European market since the beginning of 2021, but only in the second half of the year prices have reached record levels. Several factors have contributed to this situation, some of which are political, others economic or technical in nature, but the weather conditions should also be taken into account. At first glance, we have a paradoxical situation that Europe is facing a problem of natural gas supply at the moment when new infrastructure projects are completed, such as Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, TurkStream (Balkan Stream) and Nord Stream 2. The paper aims to highlight the importance of infrastructure and regional cooperation as necessary preconditions to ensure a stable energy supply. Special attention will be paid to the regional cooperation in Southeast Europe
Perspectives on LNG competitiveness: An overview of the EU market
Get PDFU radu ćemo istraživati razvoj i konkurentnost tržišta tečnog prirodnog gasa na području Evropske unije, naročito u njenim članicama koje se nalaze na zapadu i jugu Evrope. Polazimo od analize pravnog i regulatornog okvira na nivou Unije, u okviru kog funkcionišu terminali za tečni gas. Pored analize sadržaja, uporedićemo tendencije na evropskom tržištu tečnog gasa sa tendencijama u drugim regionima, pre svega na azijskom tržištu tečnog gasa. Rezultat istraživanja ukazuje na izmenjenu strukturu tržišta gasa u Uniji, koju karakteriše povećani uvoz tečnog gasa, naročito od kraja 2018. godine, kao i povećanje broja terminala i kapaciteta za prijem tečnog gasa. Ipak, rast udela tečnog gasa u ukupnom uvozu nije bio linearan prethodnih godina. U delu koji je posvećen diskusiji razmatramo tri moguća scenarija u pogledu budućnosti tečnog gasa na tržištu Evropske unije, i zaključujemo da će perspektiva tečnog gasa na tržištu zavisiti pre svega od cenovne konkurentnosti u odnosu na cevovodni način transporta gasa.In this paper we research the development and competitiveness of the LNG (Liquified Natural Gas) market in the European Union, especially in its member states located in west and south of Europe. First, we analyze legal and regulatory framework at the EU level, under which LNG terminals and facilities operate. In addition to content analysis, we also compare trends in the European LNG market with trends in other regions, especially in the Asian LNG market. The result of the research highlights the changed structure of the EU’s gas market, characterized by larger imports of liquefied natural gas, especially since the end of 2018, as well as increased number of terminals and capacities for receiving liquefied gas. However, the growth in the share of liquefied gas in total import was not linear in the previous years. As a part of the discussion we examine three possible scenarios regarding the future of LNG market in the European Union, and we conclude that the perspective of LNG in the market will primarly depend on price competitiveness comparing it to pipeline gas transport
5G as Geopolitical Power Struggle: The New Neutral Approach of Balance and Safety in Technology Controlled World Explained through a Case Study of Serbia
No full text5G is a critical sensitive technology that could endanger public safety. Recent progress of Huawei
in the number of patents relating to 5G caused a trade war over the issue, with multiple actions from the U.S.,
including restrictions towards Chinese companies. This paper seeks to explore the issue of 5G around global
security and the struggle for geopolitical dominance. Identified gap in the literature is related to the question if
there is a safe side in terms of choices that countries make around 5G vendors. Earlier studies have not considered this question appropriately in a comprehensive way, because of one sided look and policy approach. The
second question attempts to find the best solution for countries to escape dominance of 5G vendors, ensure
high safety and avoid potential hazards. To put 5G technology in context, we present geopolitical issues around
a global information infrastructure, provide information into China’s 5G strategy and history of tech struggles
between China and the United States (U.S.). We further present emerging geopolitical safety issues regarding
5G technology and elaborate Serbia’s geopolitical turmoil related to 5G. In conclusion we classify countries
based on their position about this issue to the West, the East and the Neutral corpuses. The focus on Serbia
and politics of 5G diversity is then examined to conclude that this geopolitical position of 5G Neutrality could
be beneficial for the balanced world in which new technologies will be a base for multilateral dominance. This
paper is limited in technical and legal analysis of the issue. Further research should propose encryption and
quality control standards together with legal framework, to ensure diversity in social interest
Key concepts of Serbian rulers on the issue of the аlliance of the Balkan states and peoples from 1860 to 1912
No full textОд средине 19. века у оквиру владајућих кругова у Србији
појављују се идеје везане за међусобно приближавање балканских држава и
стварање њихових ширих асоцијација. У том смислу аутор анализира концепте
балканских унија владара из српске династије Обреновић (кнеза Михаила,
краља Милана и краља Александра), као и краља Петра I Карађорђевића
почевши од 1860. до 1912. године. Наведени концепти балканског савезништва, било да су били аутохтони или на неки начин резултат утицаја водећих
политичких чинилаца тадашњег европског поретка, нису имали значајније
упориште у тадашњој јавности у Србији. Међутим, почетком 20. века превладала је концепција пролазног инклузивног Балканског савеза који је за циљ
имао ослобођење појединих делова Балкана од Османске имеприје, а који је
после успеха 1912. године модификован његовим напуштањем од стране Бугарске. Такође, поред свакако неповољних међународних утицаја и саме тежње
балканских држава за заокруживањем властитих етничких територија није
постојала реална могућност да се оствари концепт балканске међудржавне
солидарности током друге половине 19. века.Since the middle of the 19th century, ideas related to the mutual
rapprochement of the Balkan states and the creation of their broader associations
have appeared within the ruling circles in Serbia. In that sense, the author analyzes
the concepts of the Balkan unions of the rulers from the Serbian dynasty Obrenović
(Prince Mihailo, King Milan and King Aleksandar), as well as King Petar I Karađorđević starting from 1860 to 1912. These concepts of the Balkan alliance, whether
they were autochthonous or otherwise the result of the influence of the leading political factors of the then European order, did not have a significant foothold in the
then public of Serbia. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of
a transient inclusive Balkan alliance aiming to liberate certain parts of the Balkans
from the Ottoman Empire prevailed, and after its success in 1912, it was modified
by the abandonment of Bulgaria. Also, despite the undoubtedly unfavorable international influences and the aspiration of the Balkan states to round up their ethnic territories, there was no genuine possibility to realize the concept of Balkan interstate
solidarity during the second half of the 19th centur