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Germany’s attitude towards current issues in the Western Balkans through the prism of the 2021 elections
The role of elections in the Federal Republic of Germany to the processes in the European Union and the surrounding countries has gained in importance in previous election cycles. The elections in 2021 are just a continuation of the growing influence on the processes related to European integration, and even the political processes in the Western Balkans. Political elites from the countries of the Western Balkans always have their own expectations from the elections in Germany, but also from the consequences of those elections, primarily in terms of the composition of the German government. The subject of research in this paper are the perceptions of political elites in the Western Balkans about the future attitudes of German parties and the new government towards Western Balkans and the source of these perceptions, which I basically find in election manifestos (election programs) of political parties. The analysis is based on election manifestos and the perception that the parties’ views on the Western Balkans have produced among political elites. These attitudes resulted in the initiation of certain unresolved issues in the Western Balkans, both during the election campaign and during the process of forming the government. Current issues that have implications for elections in Germany are primarily the rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the Brussels Dialogue, and major projects such as the Open Balkans.Uloga izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj na procese u Evropskoj uniji i zemljama u okruženju dobija na značaju u prethodnim izbornim ciklusima. Izbori 2021. samo su nastavak rasta uticaja na procese koji se tiču evropskih intregracija, pa i političkih procesa na Zapadnom
Balkanu. Političke elite iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana uvek imaju svoja očekivanja od izbora u
Nemačkoj, ali i od posledica tih izbora pre svega u pogledu sastava nemačke vlade. Predmet
istraživanja u ovom radu jesu percepcije političkih elita na Zapadnom Balkanu o budućem
odnosu nemačkih partija i nove vlade i izvor tih percepcija koji bazično nalazim u izbornim
manifestima (izbornim programima) političkih partija. Analiza se zasniva na izbornim manifestima i percepciji koju su stavovi partija o Zapadnom Balkanu proizveli kod političkih elita.
Navedeni stavovi su i u toku izborne kampanje i toku procesa formiranja vlade rezultirali
pokretanju pojedinih nerešenih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu. Aktuelna pitanja koja imaju
implikacije izbora u Nemačkoj su prvenstveno pitanje vladavine prava i demokratije na Zapadnom Balkanu, odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini i pitanje Visokog predstavnika, pitanje Briselskog dijaloga, kao i pitanja velikih projekata kao što je Otvoreni Balkan
From the general principle of solidarity to the energy solidarity
Opšti sud Evropske unije je u septembru 2019. godine utvrdio postojanje načela
energetske solidarnosti u slučaju koji je Poljska pokrenula protiv Evropske
komisije (tzv. slučaj OPAL). Pomenuti slučaj se može razmotriti u kontekstu novonastale
diskusije o evropskoj solidarnosti. Potreba da se oblikuje solidarnost
na evropskom nivou otvorila je značajna pitanja. Jedna od značajnih dilema
jeste da li solidarnost u Evropskoj uniji predstavlja pravni ili politički princip,
odnosno da li nepoštovanje solidarnosti sa sobom povlači i pravne posledice
u vidu sankcija. Druga dilema se odnosi na trenutak u kojem se primenjuje
princip solidarnosti, odnosno da li se poštovanje načela solidarnosti zahteva
samo u vanrednim okolnostima ili se mora poštovati uvek. Imajući u vidu pomenuti
slučaj, cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na određena pitanja koja su proistekla
iz tumačenja energetske solidarnosti, a koja se mogu razmotriti i kroz prizmu
postojeće debate o solidarnosti u Evropi.In September 2019, the General Court of the European Union established the
principle of energy solidarity in a case initiated by Poland against the European
Commission (OPAL case). The mentioned case can be considered through the
ongoing debate about the European solidarity. The necessity of introducing
solidarity at the European level has raised significant questions. First is the
question whether solidarity in the European Union is a legal or political principle,
and whether non-compliance with solidarity entails legal consequences
such as sanctions. The second question refers to the situation in which the
principle of solidarity is applied, and whether the principle of solidarity binds
actors in extraordinary circumstances or it must always be respected. Having
in mind the mentioned case, the aim of this paper is to point out certain issues
that have arisen from the interpretation of energy solidarity, and which can be
considered through the prism of the existing debate on solidarity in Europe
The impact of the German elections on transatlantic relations: (un)expected challenges and opportunities
U ovom radu analiziraju se moguće pozitivne i negativne posledice izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj po odnose sa Sjedninenim Američkim Državama i transatlatnske odnose u
širem smislu. U radu se tvrdi da su razmimoilaženja oko pitanja nuklearnog oružja i potrebnih
budžetskih izdataka za NATO ključni potencijalni problemi u odnosima Berlina i Vašingtona,
nakon promene vlade u Nemačkoj i dolaska „semafor koalicije”. Sa druge strane, postoje i
potencijali koji su posledica ove promene, a koji se odnose na veće približavanje u pitanjima kao što su klimatske promene, zaštita demokratije, odnos prema Rusiji i Kini. U radu se
daje pregled na koji način partije koje čine novu vlast u Nemačkoj gledaju na ova pitanja, te
koliko je realno da ove pretnje ili perspektive budu aktivirane u transatlantskim odnosima u
narednom periodu.This paper analyzes the possible positive and negative consequences of the elections in the
Federal Republic of Germany on relations with the United States and transatlantic relations
in a broader sense. The paper claims that disagreements over the issue of nuclear weapons
and the necessary budget expenditures for NATO are the key potential problems in relations
between Berlin and Washington, after the change of government in Germany and the arrival
of the “traffic light coalition”. On the other hand, there are also several potentials for deepen-
ing the relations between Washington and the new government in Berlin, which are related to
greater normative convergence in issues such as climate change, protection of democracy,
relations with Russia and China. The paper gives an overview of how the parties that make up
the new government in Germany view these issues, and how realistic it is that these threats
or opportunities will be activated in transatlantic relations in the coming period
Zrinjka Peruško, Dina Vozab, and Antonija Čuvalo (2021). Comparing Post-Socialist Media Systems – The Case of Southeast Europe
Migracije u nacionalnom kontekstu – mapiranje istraživačkih izazova
Savremene migracije stanovništva odlikuju se dinamičnom prirodom, te
je od izuzetne važnosti da naučna saznanja, kao i mere javnih politika budu zasnovani
na aktuelnim istraživanjima i tačnim i ažuriranim podacima. Jednako značajni
mogu biti kako teorijski radovi koji objašnjavaju pojedine fenomene i koncepte, tako
i empirijski radovi koji osvetljavaju konkretne probleme u procesu formulisanja ili
sprovođenja mera javne politike. U nameri da se ukaže na jasne veze između nalaza
sadržanih u nacionalnim časopisima međunarodnog značaja (u kategoriji M24) u
Republici Srbiji i potreba kreatora javnih politika u oblasti migracija, identifikovan
je i analiziran 41 rad u tri specifična tematska polja: migracije i razvoj, integracija
migranata i upravljanje migracijama. Analiziranjem istraživačkih trendova, pristupa,
tema i nalaza u domaćim naučnim radovima izvedeni su određeni zaključci i date su
preporuke. Na osnovu detaljne analize utvrđeno je da izabrani radovi mogu poslužiti
kao pouzdan i koristan izvor saznanja za donosioce odluka u procesu kreiranja javnih
politika, što je od velike važnosti za koncipiranje efikasnih i pravovremenih odgovora
države na izazove u sferi migracionih fenomena.Contemporary migration is characterized by its very dynamic
nature. In that sense, it is extremely important that scientific knowledge, academic
research, as well as the public policy measures, be based on current research and
accurate data sets. Furthermore, theoretical papers explaining relevant phenomena
and concepts could be equally relevant and useful like the empirical ones, putting more light on the specific problems in the process of creating and implementing
public policies. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the links between the
topics in scientific papers and policymakers’ needs through the desk analysis of
the leading Serbian national scientific journals in the areas of social sciences and
humanities. The analysis of 41 papers in total was related to the identification
of three specific migration topics: migration and development, integration and
migration governance. Through comparison between the global research trends
and the national approaches and findings certain conclusions were drawn and
recommendations were given. Detailed analysis led to findings that some of the
selected academic research could be a reliable and useful source for the decision
makers. This is a necessary step for development of efficient and timely state
responses to existing and future challenges brought by migration
Opravdano ubistvo kao iskorak u nepoznato: Jovan Solsberijski o tiranicidu
John of Salisbury is the most prominent Medieval author who wrote about
one’s right to kill a tyrant. Some recent commentators, however, have pointed
out that Salisbury is unclear about the conditions that justify tyrannicide. In a
sense, they are right. Salisbury indeed cautions his readers that not all wrong-
doings make king a tyrant, but he does not offer a list of misconducts that do.
Instead, he simply puts forward examples of tyrants dying for their crimes. Here
I would like to argue that the lack of clear justificatory criteria does not render
Salisbury’s theory incomplete. There is a public duty to murder a tyrant but the
decision to act on it is purely personal because its rightness can only be established retrospectively. Salisbury’s blending of republicanism with Christianity
thus paints a picture of an agent almost forgotten in today’s politics. This is
someone who acts on their beliefs and is prepared to bear any consequence: to
be venerated as a hero or despised as a murderer, earn bliss, or suffer damnation.Jovan Solsberijski je najpoznatiji srednjovekovni autor koji je pisao o dužnosti
da se ubije tiranin. Ipak, pojedini savremeni autori istakli su da Solsberijski ne
navodi jasno uslove pod kojima bi se mogao opravdati tiranicid. U određenom
smislu, u pravu su. Solsberijski zaista upozorava svoje čitaoce da kralja tiraninom ne čini bilo koji prekršaj ali ne navodi spisak zlodela koja određuju tiranina. Umesto toga, on izlaže primere koji svedoče o tome da tirani stradaju zbog
svojih zločina. U ovom radu nastojim da pokažem da nedostatak jasnih krite-
rijuma kojima bi se opravdao tiranicid ne čini teoriju ovog srednjovekovnog
autora nepotpunom. Po njegovom mišljenju, postoji javna dužnost da se ubije tiranin, ali je odluka o postupanju u skladu s njom sasvim lična. Ispravnost
takve odluke može se utvrditi samo retrospektivno. Jovan Solsberijski sjedinjuje klasični republikanizam sa hrišćanstvom i opisuje političkog aktera koji
je skoro zaboravljen u današnjem svetu. To je osoba koja postupa u skladu sa
svojim verovanjima i spremna je da snosi bilo koju posledicu svog političkog
čina: da bude slavljena kao junak ili prezrena kao ubica, da zasluži blaženstvo
ili trpi večne muke
The Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on Higher Education in the US
Visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama je po većini kvantita- tivnih i kvalitativnih pokazatelja najbolje na svetu. Univerziteti u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, zajedno sa onima u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu, privlače najbolje studente ne samo iz Evrope već širom sveta uključujući najmnogoljud- nije zemlje i rastuće ekonomije poput Kine, Indije, Brazila ili Indonezije. Isto- vremeno, priznati profesori i istraživači mahom rade u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, imajući u vidu sjajne uslove za rad i istraživanja. Međutim, snaga američkih univerziteta je istovremeno i njihova slabost u kontekstu COVID-19 epidemije. Većina univerziteta su privatni univerziteti koji u potpunosti zavise od tržišta, donacija, a ponajviše studentskih školarina. Epidemija je zaoštrila problem marketizacije obrazovanja u SAD imajući u vidu da većina studenata preispituje nastavak školovanja u novonastalim uslovima, ekonomske neizve- snosti koju epidemija donosi, kao i nesigurnog tržišta rada. Analizirajući stu- diju slučaja Nortvestern univerziteta, tekst se bavi ekonomskim i društvenim posledicama koje epidemija ima na visoko obrazovanje u Sjedinjenim Američ- kim Državama, kao i mogućim načinima njegovog prevladavanja.Higher education in the United States is the best in the world according to
most quantitative and qualitativei ndicators. Universities in the United States,
along with those in the United Kingdom, attract the best students not only
from Europe but around the world, including the most populous countries
and growing economies such as China, India, Brazil or Indonesia. At the same
time, renowned professors and researchers mostly work in the United States,
given the excellent working and research conditions. However, the strength of
American universities is, at the same time, their weakness in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic. Most universities are private universities that depend en-
tirely on the market, donations, and mostly student tuition. The epidemic has
exacerbated the problem of marketing education in the United States, bearing in mind that most students are reconsidering the continuation of schooling due to economic uncertainty that the epidemic brings and uncertain labour
market. Focusing on the case study of Northwestern University, the text is analyzing the economic and social consequences of the epidemic on higher education in the United States, as well as possible ways to overcome it
Between Populism and Technocracy: How National Executives in Bulgaria and Serbia Manipulate EU Rule of Law Conditionality
This article explores how national executives in Serbia and Bulgaria address European Union (EU) rule of law conditionality by framing it within the populism/technocracy dichotomy. The rule of law remains one of the main problems of EU relations with the two countries. While acknowledging the nuances of pre- and post-enlargement Europeanisation, this article explores the technocratic and populist narratives exploited by the national executives in their interactions with the EU and their domestic public. Rather than positioning the current executives unequivocally either as populist or technocratic, we argue that the political elites act strategically in using both populist and technocratic techniques towards their publics when explaining interaction with the EU. We explore the extent this type of executive behaviour is determined by the countries’ formally different status. While we look for the levels of possible similarity and distinction in the two cases/countries stemming from their different EU membership status, our findings confirm the existence of strategic defensive populist and technocratic techniques applied towards the EU and the national public in both countries The aim of this strategy is to mitigate the impact of the EU rule of law pressure and to secure the persistence of the existing rule of law shortcomings within the process of European integration. Interestingly, our research did not identify substantial impact of the formally different status towards the EU of the two countries