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Social Media Tools as an Instrument of Modern Political Engagement – the Attitudes of Students in Serbia
No full textУ овом раду аутори износе резултате истраживања о ставовима студентске популације у Србији у вези са коришћењем алата на друштвеним мрежама
као средстава политичког ангажмана. У тексту је представљен сегмент ширег истраживања о политичком комуницирању младих у Србији, вршеног у оквиру теорије
користи и задовољства. Резултати истраживања показују да алати на друштвеним
мрежама не доприносе политичком ангажовању младих у онлајн сфери. Аутори
интерпретирају резултате у контексту односа политичког комуницирања и моћи,
указујући на одсуство напора младих у Србији ка стицању политичког субјективитета
и персуазивног деловања на окружење.In this paper, the authors present the research results about the attitudes of
the student population in Serbia regarding the use of social media tools as instruments of
political engagement. The text presents a segment of a broader study of political communication of young people in Serbia, conducted within the benefit concept. The research results
show that social media tools do not contribute to the political engagement of young people
in online sphere. The authors interpret the results in the context of political communication
and power, indicating the absence of efforts by young people in Serbia to acquire political
subjectivity and persuasive action in the environment
Three decades of the post-cold war Balkans and strategic foreign policy choice(s) of Serbia
No full textU ovom članku autor analizira strateške izbore partnerstva
Srbije nakon okončanja Hladnog rata 1989. godine ponajpre u okviru Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (do 1992), a zatim i u bivšoj Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji (1992–2003) i nekadašnjoj Državnoj
zajednici Srbija i Crna Gora (2003–2006). Za razliku od svih država svog
okruženja, Srbija nije odabrala predominantno strateško partnerstvo sa
Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, ocenjuje autor, što je uticalo na njenu oslabljenu međunarodnu poziciju posebno u etapi raspada Jugoslavije
(1992–1999), ali i u kasnijem razdoblju. U periodu od 2000–2004. godine
Srbija nije, kako se očekivalo, ustanovila strateško partnerstvo sa SAD, već
se, naprotiv, bavila predominantno „tehničkim” pitanjima za poboljšanje
bilateralnih odnosa. Umesto toga od 2006. godine, nakon obnove pune srpske državnosti, postepeno je opet napravljen zaokret u odnosu na Zapad, te
je Srbija u ovom razdoblju zaključila sedam strateških partnerstava i to sa
Kinom (2009), Rusijom (2013), Ujedinjenim Arapskim Emiratima (2013)
i Azerbejdžanom (2013). Takođe, zaključena su partnerstva i sa Italijom
(2010), Francuskom (2011) i Grčkom (2019).In this article, the author analyzed Serbia’s strategic choices of partnership after the
end of the Cold War in 1989, primarily within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (until 1992), and then in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1992–2003) and
the former State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (2003–2006). The author concluded
that unlike all the countries in its surroundings, Serbia did not choose a predominantly
strategic partnership with the United States, which has influenced its weakened international position, especially during the breakup of Yugoslavia (1992–1999), but also later.
In the period 2000-2004, Serbia did not establish a strategic partnership with the United
States as expected, but it rather addressed predominantly technical issues to improve
bilateral relations. However, since 2006, after the restoration of full Serbian statehood,
a reversal has been gradually made in relation to the West, and during this period Serbia
concluded seven strategic partnerships with Russia (2013), China (2009), the United Arab
Emirates (2013) and Azerbaijan (2013). Moreover, Serbia’s strategic partnership with
Italy (2010), France (2011) and Greece (2019) was established.
Finally, the author concluded that Serbia’s current geopolitical surroundings with
US strategic partners indicate the need to rethink and redefine relations between official
Washington and Belgrade at a time when many more regional relations and problems
remain unresolved
Towards the existentialist turn in IR: introduction to the symposium on anxiety
Get PDFThis symposium is a follow-up to the 2019 CEEISA/ISA conference ‘International
Relations in the Age of Anxiety’ held at the Faculty of Political Science, University
of Belgrade, Serbia, in June 2019. The central piece in the symposium is the keynote
address by Bahar Rumelili on the untapped potential of existentialism in IR followed
by highly engaged responses by Felix Berenskötter, Karl Gustafsson, Brent Steele
and Andreja Zevnik. In this introduction we first describe the context in which we
organised the conference and our motivations to choose the topic of the age of anxiety.
We also reflect on how the global pandemic, which erupted in January 2020,
made our topic more relevant than ever before. We then briefly introduce each piece
and discuss what we see as the key questions they raise
Legal aspects and the role of media in the election process in the Republic of Serbia from 1990 to 2019
No full textМедији, традиционално, имају значајну улогу у изборном процесу сваке
земље. Овај рад ће се бавити анализом нормативног оквира медија у изборном про-
цесу од успостављања вишепартијског изборног система Републике Србије до данас.
Предмет првог дела рада биће медијски и изборни закони, као и реформе правила
регулисања медија током три деценије вишестраначких избора у Србији. Предмет
анализе другог дела рада биће регулаторни оквир за некадашњу државну телевизију,
а данас јавни сервис, у изборном процесу. Приказаћемо какав правни оквир је постојао
за државну телевизију, те на који начин је реформисан након трансформације у јавни
сервис. Биће упоређени законски оквири за улогу државног/јавног сервиса у избор-
ним процесима и пракса (не)примењивања тог закона. Регулаторна тела надлежна
за мониторинг примене закона и понашање политичких субјеката у медијима, као и
рад медија током изборног процеса, биће предмет разматрања трећег дела чланка.
Посебан акценат ће бити стављен на (не)ефикасност рада Републичке агенције за
електронске медије (РЕМ) и његову улогу у изборним процесима у Србији. Последњи
одељак ће се бавити анализом примене медијских, изборних и других релевантних
закона који се тичу улоге медија у изборним процесима на различитим нивоима
одржавања избора од 1990. до 2019. године.The media, traditionally, occupy a significant role in the electoral process.
This paper analyses the legal framework that has governed the participation of media
in covering the elections since the establishment of the multi-party electoral system in
Serbia. The opening section of the paper presents media and electoral regulation and
their successive reforms during the three decades of multi-party elections. The second
part analyses the framework regarding the work of the former state television and the
present public broadcasting service during the election process. A comparative approach
illustrates how different policies regulated the coverage of elections by the state television
and its successor, the public broadcasting service, while taking into account the various
degrees to which these regulations were effectively implemented. The regulatory agencies
responsible for monitoring the application of the law and the conduct of political entities
in the media are the subjects of the third part of the paper. Special emphasis is placed on
the (in)effectiveness of the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM) and its role
in the elections in Serbia. The final section deals with the analysis of the implementation
of relevant laws concerning the role of the media during different types of electoral cycles
from 1990 to 2019
Munkov "Krik" u svetlu filozofije egzistencije
Get PDFDa bi pokazao da umetnost ne zaostaje za filozofijom u sadržaju istine,
autor analizira Munkovo remek-delo Кrik. Služeći se temeljnim pojmovima fi-
lozofije egzistencije, autor pokazuje da je u Кriku upečatljivo prikazana situa-
cija metafizičkog beskućništva modernog čoveka. Usamljenost i strepnja čoveka
lišenog smisla, svesnog svoje smrtnosti, dovode do krika, koji je u isti mah pro-
test protiv bezličnog sveta i vapaj za pomoć. Iako pre svega izražava egzisten-
cijalnu krizu savremenog čoveka, Кrik svedoči takođe o univerzalnoj čovekovoj si-
tuaciji, o odnosu između apsurda i smisla. Кriza nije samo opasnost nego i šansa.
Samo onaj ko je intenzivno iskusio apsurdnost u stanju je da uspostavi vlasti-
ti egzistencijalni smisao.To show that art does not fall short in comparison with philosophy regarding the
truth content, the author analyses Munch’s masterpiece The Scream. Using the funda-
mental concepts of the existential philosophy, the author demonstrates that The Scream
suggestively shows the metaphysical homelessness of modern man. Loneliness and anxi-
ety of a man deprived of meaning, aware of his mortality, lead to the scream which is the
same time a protest against the impersonal world and a cry for help. Although it primari-
ly expresses the existential crisis of modern man, The Scream also testifies about the uni-
versal human condition, about the relation between absurd and meaning. The crisis is not
only a danger but also a chance. Only one who has intensely experienced the absurd is
able to establish one’s own existential meaning
A Battle for Sovereignty: Who Owns Cultural Heritage in Kosovo?
No full textThis article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage
in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses
on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the
passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian
cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership.
Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the
statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The
authors shed more light on the discrepancies between the international peacebuilding
efforts and the internationally imposed legal framework, challenging the reduction of
the peacebuilding efforts to institutional design, while dominant discourses of both
Serbian and Albanian elites essentially deepen the enmity and serve as resistance
mechanisms to the international peacebuilding strategies
Regionalna saradnja na Balkanskom poluostrvu početkom XX i XXI veka: sličnosti i razlike
No full textU ovom radu autori ističu glavne tokove nastanka i razvoja regionalnih inicijativa na Balkanskom poluostrvu s početka XX veka (Balkanski savez i Mala Antanta), kao i kakve su sličnosti i razlike sa današnjim dominantnim oblicima multilateralne saradnje u ovom delu
Evrope (pre svega Savet za regionalnu saradnju, Berlinski proces i ‘Otvoreni Balkan’). Stoga će autori ukazati kakvi su međunarodni uticaji na
konfiguraciju regionalne saradnje u navedenim vremenskim razdobljima na Balkanskom poluostrvu, kao i koliko složenost odnosa između
država regiona i njihovih unutrašnjih prilika utiče na to. Takođe, duboka podeljenost unutar balkanskih društava u istorijskom kontekstu
odražava se i na dinamiku regionalne saradnje.
S tim u vezi oni ukazuju i na određene sličnosti koje karakterišu same organizacione forme saradnje u regionu Balkana, njihov način rada
i unutrašnje procedure početkom ovog i prethodnog veka.The authors of this paper highlight the main trends in the origin and development of regional initiatives in the Balkans since the
beginning of the XXI century (the Balkan Pact and the Little Entente), as well as the similarities and differences with today’s dominant forms of multilateral cooperation in this region of Europe
(particularly the Regional Cooperation Council, the Berlin Process and the “Open Balkans”). Therefore, the authors will indicate
the international influences on the configuration of regional cooperation in the Balkans over the aforementioned periods, as well as
how much it is affected by the complexity of relations between the
regional states and their internal circumstances. Furthermore, they
will discuss how the historical divisions among the Balkan states
are reflected in the dynamics of regional cooperation.
In this regard, they point out certain parallels between the organizational forms of cooperation in the region, their working methods, and internal procedures around the turn of the century and
the previous century
The Position of the New Security Concept in China's Foreign Policy - Case Study on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
No full textAntiphon’s political ideas: a reconstruction
Get PDFRad predstavlja pokušaj da se, uprkos fragmentiranosti i oskudnosti izvora,
ocrtaju osnovne karakteristike Antifontove političke misli. Antifont nudi
hedonističko shvatanje ljudske prirode, a čovek treba da pronađe način da,
okružen životnim teškoćama i obdaren razumom i mogućnošću da raspozna prijatno od neprijatnog, živi najmanje lošim životom. Život u političkim
zajednicama dodatno usložnjava ovu situaciju i otkriva napetost između zakona i prirode. Antifont kritikuje zakone zbog njihove neprirodnosti i mogućnosti da nanesu neopravdani bol nevinim ljudima. Ova kritika se odnosi
pre svega na zakone u atinskoj demokratiji koji su postepeno potiskivali običajne norme karakteristične za aristokratsku prošlost ovog polisa. Za razliku
od (makar nekih) zakona, stari običaji podrazumevali su da je recipročnost
neraskidiva od pravičnosti i svoj su izraz pronalazili u principu da treba pomagati prijateljima i nanositi štetu neprijateljima. Moguće je da je Antifont
bio pristalica upravo ovakvog viđenja pravičnostiThis paper is an attempt at sketching some basic characteristics of Antiphon’s
political thought, even though the primary sources are both lacking and
fragmented. It is argued that Antiphon, although having a hedonistic account of human nature, views human condition as very difficult. People,
guided by reason and led by their ability to distinguish between the pleasant
and the unpleasant, need to find ways to cope with their unfortunate predicament and live least unhappy lives. Living in political communities complicates this situation further and reveals tensions between law and nature.
Antiphon criticizes laws, as their incompatibility with nature fuels the tendency to inflict pain on innocent people. This particularly applies to laws in
democratic Athens which had suppressed and replaced traditions that were a
part of the polis’s aristocratic past. In contrast to (at least some) laws, old traditions saw reciprocity as inextricably linked to justice. An important reflection of this principle was the maxim that one should help friends and harm
enemies. It is possible that Antiphon was one of the sophists who supported
this particular definition of justice