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The role of western Balkans in NATO strategic thinking: reflections on continuity and changes in seeking for a new relevance
No full textRecently changed global political, security, and strategic context put NATO strategic
thinking to new tests. The ability to adapt to unique circumstances and find a suitable position
in international society are again on the NATO’s agenda. This paper investigates processes on
the road ahead of the NATO members to a new NATO strategic concept, emphasizing Western
Balkans countries and territories and their efforts to play new roles. Contemporary perception of
China threat, Russian aggressive behavior in its neighborhood, pandemics, and climate change
seem to put away Western Balkans from the NATO’s agenda. The authors claim that NATO must
hold back its tier built in previous decades. Some Western Balkans countries became members,
but the others remained possible sources of regional instability. Also, this is the region where
most great powers clash their interests and fight diplomatically and economically for achieving
their particular foreign policy goals. If striving to remain relevant in the area, NATO must (re)
discover new roles with appropriate answers
Od crvenih do plavih beretкi – angažovanje кinesкih vojnih snaga u mirovnim misijama Ujedinjenih nacija
Get PDFThis paper shall explore the reasons that triggered China to boost
its security and economic influence within the United Nations
Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) as a tool for embracing
international challenges. By doing so, China is not just sharing
the burden of providing international stability and achieving the
UN Sustainable Development Goals, but exerting its influence
in the process. Analysing the proposed subject, it will be
demonstrated that China faces numerous obstacles whilst trying
to insert the “Chinese characteristics” within the geopolitical
order, geo-economics distribution of wealth and international
security architecture. Instead of being perceived as a responsible
stakeholder, China`s ambitious initiatives can, additionally, stir
the China Threat Theory in the international community. This
paper shall be consisted of two parts. The first part will tackle
China`s growing footprint within the UNPKO from the end of
the Cold War onward. The second part will explore the reasons
that triggered China to swift its role within the UNPKO. Both
global and domestic reasons will be analysed tooRad se bavi razlozima jačanja kineskog uticaja u Mirovnim
misijama Ujedinjenih nacija. NR Кina se sve više angažuje
u obezbjeđivanju međunarodne stabilnosti i postizanju UN
ciljeva za održivi razvoj, paralelno jačajući i svoj uticaj
u međunarodnim odnosima. U radu smo predstavili izazove
sa kojima se Кina suočava u nastojanju da uvede „kineske
karakteristike“ u geopolitički poredak, geoekonomsku
raspodjelu dobara i međunarodnu bezbjedonosnu arhitekturu.
Percepcija Кine u međunarodnoj zajednici je sve lošija
i umjesto da se Кina posmatra kao odgovorni akter, njene
akcije dodatno nameću temu „Кine kao prijetnje“. U prvom
dijelu rada smo obradili ulogu i aktivnosti Кine u okviru
Mirovnih misija Ujedinjenih nacija od kraja Hladnog
rata do danas. Drugi dio rada analizira razloge promjene
uloge kineske politike prema UN-u i konkrento Mirovnim
snagama Ujedinjenih nacija. U radu su analizirani i uzeti
u obzir i globalni razlozi kao i domaći koji su uticali na
promjenu kineske politike i veće angažovanje u okviru UN
misija. U zaključku navodimo da i pored izazova, sumnji i
nedorečenosti vezanih za ovo pitanje, svjedočimo „novoj
i globalnoj“ Кini koja je već zauzela centralnu ulogu na
međunarodnoj sceni i da možemo računati na Кinu i njen
doprinos u očuvanju globalnog mir
Мodeling regional cooperation in the Balkans after 1999: European experiences and their application
No full textU ovom radu autori komparativno analiziraju razvoj regionalne saradnje u Evropi nakon Drugog svetskog rata i na Zapadnom Balkanu od 1999. godine. U tom kontekstu oni ukazuju na sličnosti i razlike zapadnobalkanske regionalne saradnje (sa posebnim akcentom na period posle 2006. godine odnosno posle preoblikovanja Pakta za stabilnost u Jugoistočnoj Evropi u Regionalnisavetza saradnju i nakon 2014. godine od pokretanja Berlinskog procesa), sa sličnim formama saradnje u Evropi poput Nordijskog saveta ministara, Višegradske grupe i Beneluksa. Stoga autori pristupaju uporednoj analizi sastava ovih regionalnih foruma i njihovim oblastima saradnje sa Savetom za regionalnu saradnju, Procesom saradnje u Jugoistočnoj Evropi i Berlinskim procesom. S tim u vezi autori konstatuju da postoje više nego očigledne sličnosti
regionalne saradnje na Zapadnom Balkanu pre svega sa Višegradskom grupom, a u
značajnojmeri isa Beneluksom.Uneštomanjojmeri postojisličnostregionalne saradnje
na Balkanskom poluostrvu sa nordijskim vidovima, a pre svega zahvaljujući izostanku
formiranja Parlamentarne skupštine Zapadnog Balkana previđene 2013. godine.Autori
zaključuju da postoje brojne prepreke uspostavljanju intenzivnije i produbljenije
regionalne saradnje na Zapadnom Balkanu, a pre svega vezano za izostanak višestrano
prihvaćenog regionalnog identiteta, različite interese lidera država u regionu vezano za
njenu „izvornost“, konfrontirane stavove dominantnihmnjenja i predominantne uticaje
različitih zapadnih aktera.: In this paper,the authors comparatively analyze the development ofregional
cooperation in Europe after the Second World War and in the Western Balkans since
1999. They compare and contrast regional cooperation in the Western Balkans(with a
particular focus on the period after 2006, when the Stability Pact for Southeastern
Europe wastransformed into the Regional Cooperation Council, and after 2014, when
the Berlin Process was launched) with similar forms of cooperation in Europe, such as
the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Visegrad Group, and the Benelux. Therefore, the
authors approach a comparative analysis of the composition of these regional forums
and their areas of cooperation with the Regional Cooperation Council, the Southeast
European Cooperation Process, and the Berlin Process. In thisregard,the authorsstate
that there are more than obvious similarities between regional cooperation in the
Western Balkans, primarily with the Visegrad Group, and to a significant extent with
the Benelux. Regional cooperation on the Balkan Peninsula and between the Nordic
countries is similar to a lesser extent, owing to the absence of the formation of the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Western Balkans, which was overlooked in 2013. The
authors conclude thatthere are numerous obstaclesto establishingmore intensive and
deeper regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, the mostsignificant of which are
the lack of a multilaterally accepted regional identity, the different interests ofregional
leaders regarding its "originality", the conflicted views of dominant opinions, and the
predominant influences of various Western actor
Škole roditeljstva kao podrška ranom roditeljstvu u Srbiji
Get PDFNa teritoriji Republike Srbije dostupni su različiti pripremni programi za tranziciju u roditeljstvo i kompetentno obavljanje roditeljske uloge tokom prvih godina detetovog života, popularno nazvani škole roditeljstva. Ovi programi realizuju se pri državnim domovima zdravlja, privatnim bolnicama, nevladinim organizacijama i privatnim kompanijama. Mali broj istraživanja bavio se deskripcijom i evaluacijom škola roditeljstva u Srbiji. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je da ispita učestalost pohađanja, karakteristike i zadovoljstvo školama roditeljstva među roditeljima dece ranog uzrasta (0-3 godina) u Srbiji. Primenom onlajn upitnika ispitano je 1409 roditelja (84% majki), od čega 45% sa teritorije Beograda. Trećina roditelja iz uzorka pohađala je neku od škola roditeljstva (36% majki i 17% očeva). Najposećenije su besplatne škole roditeljstva pri državnim domovima zdravlja (89%). Najveći broj škola roditelje edukuje u domenu pripreme za porođaj i zadovoljenja fizioloških potreba deteta (90% škola), dok se znatno ređe obrađuju teme u oblasti mentalnog zdravlja roditelja, pozitivne rane roditeljske prakse i rani psihološki razvoj deteta (65% škola). Škole roditeljstva procenjene su kao četvrti najznačajniji izvor podrške u ranom roditeljstvu, nakon partnera/ke, roditelja i pedijatra/ice, a ispred patronažne službe, literature, medijskih i onlajn sadržaja, prijatelja i rođaka. Roditelji koji su pohađali škole roditeljstva imali su nešto više postignuće na testu znanja o ranom razvoju dece (F(1,671) = 18.60, p < .01, η2 = .03). Ipak, pohađanje nije uticalo na njihovu roditeljsku samoefikasnost i zadovoljstvo roditeljstvom. Nalazi ukazuju na potrebu za povećanjem dostupnosti i promocijom škola roditeljstva sa ciljem uključivanja većeg broja majki i očeva, kao i proširenjem ponude tema koje se obrađuj
Faktori postignuća učenika iz matematike i prirodnih nauka: TIMSS 2019 u Srbiji
Get PDFMeđunarodna studija TIMSS pruža velike mogućnosti za upoređivanje postignuća učenika između zemalja, ali i ispitivanje činilaca koji utiču na postignuće učenika. Važno je istražiti ove činioce jer se na taj način mogu postaviti prioriteti u oblasti obrazovne politike, odnosno usmeravati ljudski i finansijski resursi na one prakse koje najviše vode visokom postignuću učenika
Framing Protest in Online News and Readers’ Comments: The Case of Serbian Protest “Against Dictatorship”
Get PDFThis research examines the “protest paradigm” in the digital news environment of a
politically polarized media system by considering relations between news and online
readers’ comments about the Serbian protest Against Dictatorship, which was held in
2017. Applying content analysis to news and comments from two news websites, our
study indicates the need to account for opposing framing of the protest
(violence/peacefulness, de/legitimizing and un/democratic) in a polarized environment.
The results show that the distribution of opposing frames is guided by the media
relations with the government. Online readers’ comments generally enhance this
polarized pattern of frame distribution, with the exception of the performance frame,
which remains prolific in the media, but absent from readers’ comments
The style of the Serbia media (2010-2020) - the language of the crisis
Get PDFThe societal crisis’ influence on the crisis of the language in contemporary Serbian journalism
is prevailing. Words have been increasingly framed into inappropriate content. Homonyms
are gradually becoming the only way to debate and give second opinions. Globalizing vo-
cabulary with fashionable phraseology, manipulative rhetoric and the artificial realignment of
language serve as the basis of rhetorical and stylistic research presented in this work. Casual
populist political speeches and sensationalistic topics in Serbia are in the centre of events,
even though they are easily forgotten. An apparent lack of creativity in language results in
the glorification of a globalizing rhetorical model. This leads to a sort of recycling of language
patterns and a pathetic usage of metaphors in everyday life, hence the apparent emergence of
a new kind of sensationalism. Different linguistic matrices obsessively repeat themselves in
the same rhetorical frame. Therefore, the language of journalists is increasingly reduced to the
form and the form is reduced to the void. In this article, the analysis of the contemporary use
of stylistic knowledge by media professionals will be conducted within a sample of one year of
broadcasts during 2019–2020, prior to the pandemic. The authors explain the methodology
of the research by describing the theoretical approach and the methods used to substanti-
ate the hypothesis. The research aims to show the gradual change of media language during
the current professional, economic and moral crises. A vast majority of media have a com-
mon inherited loss of truly free expression. Instead of free relations, a plethora of excessive
self-censorship and hidden advocacies and connections is being extended. This appears to be
a certain eternity or bad infinity of the shadows in the media
Reviewing the condition and reach of the regional security complex theory in the study of regions in international relations
Get PDFU ovom radu obrazložićemo stav da je teorija regionalnog
bezbednosnog kompleksa (TRBK) (Buzan and Waever 2003), najadekvatnije
pozicionirana među različitim „regionalističkim“ pristupima u
međunarodnim odnosima, bilo u pogledu izgradnje teorije bilo u
empirijskim istraživanjima o regionalnoj bezbednosti. Ciljevi ovog rada su
trostruki: a) da predstavi TRBK u savremenom proučavanju regionalne
bezbednosti; b) da mapira studije regionalne bezbednosti i sagleda odnos
TRBK sa drugim (srodnim/rivalskim) teorijama; c) da oceni karakter
sagledanog odnosa TRBK i drugih teorija regionalne bezbednosti. Tako
postavljenim ciljevima odgovaraju tri metodološka koraka. Prvo, pregledom
literature želimo ukazati na teorijsku evoluciju i empirijsku primenu TRBK
tokom prethodne dve decenije. Drugo, ponudićemo pregled i klasifikaciju
relevantnih koncepata drugih „regionalističkih“ teorija za koje smatramo da
„rezonuju“ sa okvirom TRBK. Treće, odgovorićemo na pitanje da li je i u
kojoj meri je TRBK kompatibilna sa konceptima užih, rivalskih pristupa.
Smatramo da TRBK može poslužiti kao svojevrstan „interfejs“ širih studija regionalne bezbednosti. Kako bismo ilustrovali predloženi postupak, u
trećem odeljku rada se raspravlja o prednostima koje TRBK kao teorija
srednjeg obima ima u odnosu na rivalske pristupe koji se usredsređuju na
regionalne poretke (Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010),
regionalne bezbednosne zajednice (Adler and Barnett 1998), ili regionalni
„multipleks“ međunarodni poredak (Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018).
Zaključak upućuje na mogućnosti hibridizacije TRBK i srodnih/rivalskih
teorijskih pristupa, što otvara značajna pitanja za dalji razvoj istraživačkog
programa studija regionalne bezbednosti u trećoj deceniji XXI veka.In this paper, we argue that the Regional Security Complex
Theory (RSCT) (Buzan and Waever 2003) is most adequately positioned
among various “regionalist” approaches in International Relations, both
for theory-building and empirical research on regional security. The aims
of the paper are threefold: a) to review the RSCT within contemporary
International Security Studies; b) to map out regional security studies and
reflect on the relationship between the RSCT and other (related/rival)
theories; c) to assess the character of the relationship between the RSCT
and other theories. The aforesaid aims are achieved in three steps. First,
by doing a literature review, we want to point out the theoretical
evolution and empirical application of the RSCT over the past two
decades. Second, we offer a review and classification of relevant concepts
from other “regionalist” theories which we consider to “resonate” with
the RSCT framework. Third, we answer the question of whether and to
what degree the RSCT is compatible with the concepts of the narrower,
rival approaches. We argue the RSCT can be used as a sort of “interface”
of wider regional security studies. In order to illustrate our research
framework, the third part of the paper deals with and discusses the
advantages that the RSCT, as a medium-range theory, has in comparison
with the rival approaches that are concerned with regional orders
(Katzenstein 2005; Frazier and Stewart-Ingersoll 2010), regional security
communities (Adler and Barnett 1998), or regional “multiplex” order
(Acharya 2014; Acharya 2018). In conclusion, the paper addresses the
possibilities for hybridization between the RSCT and related/rival
approaches, which have opened some important questions for further
development of the research programme of regional security studies in
the 2020
The Crisis of European Union Mediation in Resolving the Kosovo Issue
No full textDeceniju posle potpisivanja prvog sporazuma Beograda i Prištine svedočimo zastoju pregovora, narušenom poverenju pregovaračkih strana i nepostojanju kapaciteta Evropske unije da posredovanju udahne novi zamah. Iako se u javnom diskursu krivica za stagnaciju posredovanog dijaloga, odsustvo implementacije postignutih dogovora i nepostojanje jasne volje za napretkom ka obostrano prihvatljivom kompromisu pripisuje pregovaračkim stranama, jasno je da postojećem stanju znatan doprinos pružaju spoljni faktori. Jedan od ključnih problema jeste opadanje uverljivost, legitimiteta i kapaciteta EU da u svojstvu „časnog posrednika” i prećutnog predvodnika doprinese prevazilaženju poteškoća sa kojima se proces pregovora suočava. Cilj ovog rada je identifikovanje i objašnjenje uzroka zastoja celokupnog procesa, koji je evidentan još od 2017. godine. U radu se tvrdi da je kriza prouzrokovana delimičnim razmimoilaženjem u transatlantskim odnosima u pogledu toga kako voditi dijalog od 2017. godine, zatim gubljenjem kredibiliteta EU kao posrednika manifestovanim kroz opadanje sposobnosti uticaja Brisela na Beograd i Prištinu, kao i, u manjoj meri, porastom uticaja aktera koji oponiraju postizanju sveobuhvatnog sporazuma uz posredovanje Brisela. Na kraju, predstavlja se perspektiva pregovora i pružaju se smernice čije bi praćenje moglo da unapredi posredništvo Evropske unije u ovom dijalogu.A decade after the signing of the first agreement between Belgrade
and Pristina, we are witnessing the deadlock of negotiations,
the broken trust of the negotiating parties, and the lack of capacity
of the European Union to breathe new momentum into the mediation.
Although in the public discourse the blame for the stagnation
of the mediated dialogue, the lack of implementation of the
reached agreements, and the absence of a clear will to progress toward
a mutually acceptable compromise are attributed to the negotiating
parties, it is clear that external factors contribute significantly
to the current situation. One of the main problems is the EU’s
declining credibility, legitimacy, and capacity to contribute to overcoming
the difficulties faced by the negotiation process as an honorable
mediator and silent leader. This paper aims to identify and explain
the cause of the stalling of the entire process, which has been
evident since 2017. The paper claims that the crisis was caused by a
partial divergence in transatlantic relations regarding how to conduct
the dialogue since 2017, then by the loss of credibility of the
EU as a mediator manifested through the decline of Brussels’ ability
to influence Belgrade and Pristina, as well as, to a lesser extent,
the increase in influence actors who oppose the achievement of a
comprehensive agreement with the mediation of Brussels. Finally,
the perspective of the negotiations is presented, and guidelines are
provided, the following of which could improve the mediation of
the European Union in this dialogue