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Serbian political emigration and Yugoslav-american relations in the 1970s
Get PDFU radu se analizira uloga koju je srpska politička emigracija u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama imala u jugoslovensko‒američkim odnosima tokom 70-ih godina. Delovanje srpske političke emigracije protiv socijalističke Jugoslavije predstavljalo je hronični problem u odnosima između dve države. U prvoj polovini ove dekade, za vreme predsednika Niksona i Forda, SAD nisu pokazivale mnogo razumevanja za jugoslovenske zahteve da se onemogući delovanje ove emigracije na američkom tlu. Dolaskom Кarterove administracije u drugoj polovini 70-ih odnos prema ovom problemu se promenio. Кako bi dodatno unapredile saradnju sa Jugoslavijom, SAD su sa mnogo više odlučnosti pristupile rešavanju ovog složenog pitanja.The paper analyzes the role that Serbian political emigration in the United
States of America had in Yugoslav-American relations during the 1970s.
The action of Serbian political emigration against Socialist Yugoslavia was
a chronic problem in the relations between the two countries. In the first half
of this decade, during the terms of Presidents Nixon and Ford, the U.S. didn’t
show understanding for the Yugoslav demands to prevent the acting of this
emigration on American soil. With the arrival of the Carter administration in
the second half of the 70s, the attitude towards this problem changed. In order
to further improve cooperation with Yugoslavia, the U.S.A. approached solving
this complex issue with more determination. The result of scientific research in
this paper shows that at the end of the 1970s, there was a change in the policy of
the American administration towards Serbian political emigration in America
The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?
Get PDFBy employing the concept of raison d’état, the article questions the European Union’s role in the so-called Western Balkan region. While the region continues to be covered by the EU’s enlargement policy, we argue that the policy has been in paralysis. We explore whether the heightened geopolitical tensions in Europe have brought the EU to a turning point at which it would use its enlargement policy decisively to pursue its strategic interests in the region. We start with a theoretical discussion of raison d’état and its instrumentalization in the context of the European Union as a non-state actor. Then, we use the conceptual benchmarks of the raison d’état to analyze its empirical implementation through the EU’s relations with Western Balkan countries. We explore the EU’s available enlargement policy tools and the diverging positions within the EU towards enlargement. We pay special attention to the “New enlargement methodology” devised by the Commission in 2019. We argue that despite the Commission’s efforts to promote the EU’s common interest in the region framed in a geopolitical narrative, the diverging national interests still preclude the EU from aggregating its own and pursuing its raison d’état towards the region. The “new methodology” does nothing to overcome this situation. What is more, by insisting on a “stronger political steer” and by further facilitating the reversal of the accession process, the document pushes the Union further away from a common ground regarding the enlargement
Union Organizing in Academic Capitalism Context: the Case of Serbia
No full textU radu se razmatraju problemi sindikalnog organizovanja sa kojima se suočavaju istraživači na početku svojih akademskih karijera a u kontekstu neoliberalne transformacije univerziteta u Srbiji, otpočete 2005. godine uvođenjem
Bolonjske reforme. Na početku rada dat je konceptualni okvir izgrađen oko
pojmova »akademski prekarijat«, »gig akademija«, »akademski kapitalizam«
koji je poslužio za skiciranje specifičnog radnog položaja akademskih radnika
i radnica u kontekstu neoliberalne transformacije univerziteta. Kroz analizu
zakonskih i strateških dokumenata, kao i pregled relevantnih istraživanja koja
za centralnu temu uzimaju položaj mladih istraživača i istraživačica na akademiji predstavljeni su neki od ključnih problema sa kojima se mladi istraživači
suočavaju: nestandardnost radnih ugovora, zakonski interregnumi, niska ulaganja u naučnoistraživačku delatnost, nametnute radne migracije i otežani
modeli udruživanja u cilju zaštite radnih prava putem delovanja reprezentativnih tela. U radu su dati primeri sindikata i organizacija koje na institucionalnom i vaninstitucionalnom polju rade na imenovanju problema prekarnosti
mladih istraživača i istraživačica, kao i na koncipiranju modela održivih rešenja. Na kraju, u radu se ukazuje na probleme položaja akademskih sindikata
u savremenom kontekstu kao i na potrebu za njihovim autonomnim delovanjem u odnosu na strukture moći.The paper discusses the problems of union organization that researchers face
at the beginning of their academic careers in the context of the neoliberal
transformation of universities in Serbia, which began in 2005, through the
introduction of the Bologna reform. At the beginning of the paper, a conceptual framework was given around the terms »academic precariat«, »gig academy«, »academic capitalism«, which served to enable the specific working
position of academic workers in the context of neoliberal transformation of
the university. Through the analysis of legal and strategic documents, as well
as a review of relevant research that takes the position of young researchers
at the academy as a central topic, some of the key problems faced by young
researchers are presented: non–standard employment contracts, legal problems, low investments in scientific research, labor migration and difficult
models of association in order to protect labor rights through the actions of
representative bodies. The paper gives examples of trade unions and organizations that work in the institutional and noninstitutional field on naming the
problem of precariousness of young research and models of sustainable solutions. Finally, the paper points out the problems of the position of academic
unions in the modern context as well as the need for their autonomous action
in relation to power structures
Nikolaj’s Interpretation of the Personality and Work of Saint Sava
No full textУказавши на мишљење аве Јустина да је Св.
Николај Жички и Охридски највећи Србин после Св. Саве,
аутор настоји да осветли начин на који владика Николај
тумачи личност и дело првог српског архиепископа.
Он следи мишљење „петог српског јеванђелисте” да је
Св. Сава, духовни и морални родитељ српског народа,
бринуо четири бриге: најпре за спасење своје душе, па
онда за спасење своје породице, свог народа, те спасење
осталих православних народа и човечанства у целини.
Читава Савина црквена, просветна и државотворна
делатност почива на његовој светости. Иако је био
усредсређен на то да створи аутокефалну Српску
Цркву, да успостави хармоничан однос између српске
државе и Српске Цркве, да просвети Србе и од њих
створи свети народ, његова љубав се није ограничила
на српски етнички простор, већ је обухватала све људе,
штавише сва створења. Владика Николај је показао
везу између Савиног христољубља, човекољубља и
родољубља. Истакавши да је први српски архиепископ
спасао православни Балкан од римокатоличког
клерикализма, он сматра да ће доћи време када ће Св.
Сава бити признат за спасиоца православља, а његово
дело бити слављено као највећа победа хришћанства у
другом миленијуму.Having indicated the opinion of abba Justin that Saint
Nikolaj of Žiča and Ohrid is the greatest saint after Saint Sava,
the author attempts to clarify the way in which bishop Nikolaj
interprets personality and work of the first Serbian archbishop.
He follows the opinion of „the fifth evangelist of the Serbs” that
Saint Sava, being spiritual and moral parent of the Serbian people,
had four concerns: first was salvation of his soul, salvation of his
family, his people, and then salvation of other Orthodox Christian
peoples and the whole of humanity. The entire ecclesiastical,
educational and state-building activity of Saint Sava rests on his
sanctity. Although he was focused on establishing an autocephalous
Serbian Church, establishing harmonious relationship between
Serbian state and Serbian Church, enlightenment of the Serbs
and their transformation into saintly people, his love was not
limited only on Serbian ethnic space, but it included all peoples.
Moreover, it included all creatures. Bishop Nikolaj showed the
connection between Sava’s love for Christ, love for men and
patriotism. Having indicated that the first Serbian archbishop
saved the Orthodox Balkan from Roman Catholic clericalism, he
considers that time will come when Saint Sava will we recognized
as the saviour of Orthodox Christianity, and his work will be
celebrated as the greatest victory of Christianity in the second
millennium
Economic integration in the western Balkans – preparation for EU membership or replacement for membership?
Get PDFУ раду се анализирају иницијативе економског карактера покренуте у региону Западног Балкана. ЦЕФТА 2006, као једина трговинска иницијатава успостављена на стабилној, уговорној основи, представљена је као темељ регионалних трговинских односа, али је и указано на све слабости и проблеме у функционисању ове организације. Аутор даље приказује развој, изазове и перспективе других економско-трговинских аранжмана, како оних иницираних у оквиру Берлинског процеса (Регионално економско подручје и Заједничко регионално тржиште), али и од стране самих лидера Западног Балкана („Мали Шенген” „Отворени Балкан”). Основно истраживачко питање на које рад одговора јесте – да ли су поменуте регионалне иницијативе компатибилне са процесом приступања ових држава Европској унији? Централна теза коју аутор заступа јесте да ниједна од ових иницијатива није креирана са намером замене чланства у ЕУ, које остаје примарни спољнополитички циљ свих актера са Западног Балкана, те да свака од њих може представљати добру припрему региона за изазове учешћа на унутрашњем тржишту ЕУ, али и бити подстицај за спровођење неких од кључних реформи у оквиру приступног процеса.This paper aims to analyse economic initiatives launched in the Western Balkans. The CEFTA 2006 Agreement, as the only trade initiative established on a stable and contractual basis, represents the core of regional trade relations. On the other hand, the CEFTA has numerous flaws and operational problems, which will be examined further. The author further reviews the development, challenges, and perspectives of other economic and trade arrangements, like those initiated within the Berlin Process (the Regional Economic Area and Common Regional Market), as well as by the Western Balkans leaders themselves (“Mini Schengen”/“Open Balkan”). The main research question addressed in this paper is whether the aforementioned regional initiatives are compatible with the EU accession processes of these countries. The author’s central thesis is that none of these initiatives were created to replace EU membership. Membership remains the primary foreign policy goal of all Western Balkan actors, and each of them could help the region prepare for the challenges of participating in the EU internal market. Moreover, they could be seen as an incentive to implement key reforms as part of the EU accession process
Media and information literacy of teachers and librarians in Serbia in the distance learning process
Get PDFCilj ovog rada je da ukaže na potencijal znanja i veština u oblasti medijske i informacijske pismenosti (MIP) za unapređenje obrazovnih procesa sa upotrebom informaciono-komunikacionih tehnologija (IKT) u izvođenju nastave na daljinu u Srbiji
Neglected Topic Marked by Sensationalism: The Position of the Judicial System in the Media in Serbia
Get PDFRad istražuje medijsku reprezentaciju pravosudnog sistema nudeći analizu tri aspekta: položaj ove teme na medijskoj agendi, izvore koji o njoj govore i novinarski pristup temi. Istraživanje je zasnovano na analizi sadržaja sprovedenoj u okviru globalnog istraživačkog projekta Journalistic Role Performance (JRP). Ukupan uzorak za Srbiju čini 6.067 vesti objavljenih u 11 nacionalnih medija tokom 2020. godine. Rezultati pokazuju da je funkcionisanje pravosudnog sistema dvostruko marginalizovano u srpskim medijima. Kao prvo, tema je nedovoljno vidljiva – samo 1,4% vesti (N=87) se odnosi na nju i, kao drugo, i kada izveštavaju mediji uglavnom usmeravaju svoju pažnju na pojedinačna suđenja, retko diskutujući o funkcionisanju pravosudnog sistema, njegovoj reformi ili relevantnosti za građane. Dalja analiza otkriva da su u izveštavanju o pravosuđu dominantne uloga čuvara (engl. Watchdog Role) i zabavljačka uloga (engl. Infotainment Role) koje se često kontradiktorno kombinuju u tabloidni watchdog, hibridnu formu izveštavanja o politički relevantnim suđenjima na senzacionalistički način.The paper explores the representation of the judicial system in Serbian me-
dia and provides an analysis of three aspects: the position of the topic on the
media agenda, the sources, and journalistic approaches. The research is based
on the content analysis conducted within the international research project
Journalistic role performance (JRP). The sample for Serbia encompasses 6.067
news items published in 11 national media during 2020. Results show doublemarginalisation of the judicial system in media. Firstly, the topic is underrepresented – only 1,4% of the news stories (N=87) refers to the topic, secondly,
when the media do report they are focused on trials and rarely discuss the functioning of the judicial system, its reform, or its relevance for citizens. Further
analysis reveals that reporting about the judicial system is marked by watchdog
and infotainment journalistic roles which are often contradictory combined
into a tabloid watchdog role, a hybrid form of reporting about politically relevant trials in a sensationalistic manner.Tekst je objavljen u zborniku radova sa redovne međunarodne konferencije Udruženja za političke nauke Srbije održane 24–25. 09. 2022. u Beogradu
Good experiences of smart green cities for sustainable green development and democratization
Get PDFPredmet ovog rada je prikaz dobre prakse pametnih, zelenih gradova u primeni IT aplikacija za pružanje javnih usluga (rešavanje i ekoloških problema), borbe protiv klimatskih promena i afirmacije zelenih energija. Posebno važan aspekt je analiza koprodukcije kao aktivnog uključivanja građana kroz aplikacije u proces kreiranja politika, u oblikovanje paketa javnih usluga "krojenih" prema potrebama zajednice kao vid demokratizacije društva. Dobra iskustva pametnih gradova odlična su lekcija za Srbiju i njene gradove. Metode koje se koriste u ovom radu jesu analize i sinteze radova iz ove oblasti, analize dobrog načina korišćenja IT paketa u pojedinim evropskim gradovima, kreiranja dobrih mernih instrumenata za praćenje promena mikroklime usled globalnog otopljavanja u nemačkim i britanskim gradovima, studija slučaja afirmacije zelene energije u Belgijskom urbanom distriktu i komparacije s načinom tretiranja ovih tema u Srbiji. Očekivani doprinos ovog rada je uvid u neke dobre prakse i ukazivanje na šansu da naša država i gradovi preuzmu i primene neka od ovih korisnih znanja, veština i instrumenata za dobrobit građana i naše zajednice.The subject of this paper is the review of good practice of smart green cities in the use of IT applications for
providing public services (including the resolution of ecological issues), coping with climate change and green
energy affirmation. A particularly important aspect is the analysis of the coproduction, i.e. of active involvement of
citizens through the application in the policy creation process, the preparation of public services package custom-
made for the community needs as a form of democratization of the society. Good experiences of smart cities are
an excellent lesson for Serbia and its cities.
The methods used in this paper are the analyses and syntheses of the papers from this field, the analyses of the
good method of using IT packages in certain European cities, the creation of good measurement instruments for
monitoring microclimate change due to global warming in German and British cities, the study of green energy
affirmation in the Belgian urban district, and comparison with the manner of treating these topics in Serbia. The expected contribution of this paper is the insight into some good practices and indicating the opportunity for
our country and cities to take over and apply some of this useful knowledge, skills and instruments for the welfare
of our citizens and community
Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1
Get PDFDecember 2019 saw the 40th anniversary since the beginning of Chinese reforms and
opening up initiated by the Deng Xiaoping in 1978 and continued by next generations
of Chinese Communist Party’s leaders. This has led to the great changes both in
and between economic and political relations of China. Increasing economic power
impacted China’s foreign relations and diplomatic practices. Regional and multilateral
cooperation turned out to mark the new China in international affairs. The first part
of the paper presents Chinese economic opening and development of multilateralism
and regionalism in Chinese foreign policy and its impact on the relations with Central
and Eastern European countries. Second part of paper is focused on institutional
development of China + 16 Central and Eastern Countries mechanism. Particular
attention will be paid on institutionalization of the sub-mechanism defined in guidelines
for promoting mutual trade. The third part of the paper analyses the nature, scope and
scale of Sino-Central and Eastern European trade