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Public policies in Serbia: in the services of all citizens or interest group?
No full textPri analizi javnih politika koristi se veći broj teorijskih modela, kao što su: pluralizam, elitizam, mrežna teorija, racionalizam, inkrementalizam... Upotrebna vrednost ovih pristupa uslovljena je kontekstom unutar koga se javne politike analiziraju. Shodno tome, obrazlaže se tvrdnja da načini na koji se javne politike u Srbiji kreiraju govore u prilog postavkama elitističke teorije. To znači da su javne politike u Srbiji najčešće oblikovane pod uticajem male grupe ekonomske i političko-upravljačke „klase”, što je često protivno opštem interesu, što se manifestuje u jačanju onih koji su već jaki i slabljenju statusa velikog broja građana (što znači da su javne politike u osnovi socijalno nepravedne). Ova polazišta se obrazlažu na primeru dve javne politike. Prvi su subvencije poljoprivrednicima, od kojih najveću korist imaju najbogatiji. Drugi primer je obavezno uvođenje fiskalnih kasa, od kojeg su oslobođene pojedine grupe (poput advokata ili taksista), najverovatnije zbog dobre pregovaračke pozicije a ne snage objektivnih argumenata. U završnom delu nude se potencijalna rešenja koja bi uticala na inhibiranje elitističkog a podsticanje pluralističkog i mrežnog (u biti demokratskog) načina kreiranja javnih politika u Srbiji
The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans
No full textThe liberal international order today faces a crisis of legitimacy and social purpose. Although the crisis is primarily internal, the consequences have vast external manifestations, especially in Europe. Not only have US-EU relations been affected, but the effects of Europeanization have also changed, both within and outside the EU. Transformative power, once the main integrative resource of the European Union, no longer yields results. This is particularly evident in the Western Balkans. There are many reasons for the EU’s failure to play the essential transformative role in the Western Balkans region. Most authors ascribe this either to the Western Balkans’ domestic situation (Börzel, 2011; Freyburg and Richter, 2010; Ademović, 2019), or to the EU’s inability to enlarge further (‘integration incapacity’) and to exert a credible pressure (Kovačević, 2019), or to both reasons simultaneously (see for example Bieber, 2019; Radić Milosavljević, 2019). This chapter puts this issue into a larger perspective and draws attention to the global context in which the EU’s enlargement policy and external Europeanization efforts operate. We argue that the crisis of the liberal order spilled over into the European Union and thus damaged the ability of the EU to shape institutions, processes and political outcomes in the Western Balkans. We observe these significant trends through the erosion of the value-institutional pillar of the liberal order and the EU’s increasing reliance on real-political instruments for pursuing its strategic goals. This chapter is organized as follows. First, we explain what a liberal international order is, the role and position of the European Community/Union in this order, and why a crisis occurs. Secondly, we explain how the crisis of the liberal order has affected the European Union and its ability to Europeanize itself and others. Finally, we give a brief genesis of the EU’s efforts to shape institutions, processes and political outcomes in the Western Balkans and explain why there has been a slowdown and stalemate in recent years
Confronting the Legacy of War – Mandate of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) and International Obligations of Serbia
Get PDFThe missing persons issue might be one of the most sensitive and
durable parts of the 1990s conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The legacy of
these conflicts continuously affects normalization, reconciliation, and
integration efforts in the Western Balkans. With all its complexity and
perplexity, it poses numerous challenges for the Republic of Serbia as well.
For almost three decades, the Republic of Serbia has made considerable
efforts to deal with the issue of missing persons through the creation of an
adequate legal and institutional framework, both internal and external. This
article deals with an international institutional structure created for
international cooperation in this field, the International Commission on
Missing Persons (ICPM). Its roots, the context of constitutionalization,
structure, jurisdiction, and activities will be analyzed and explored. As to
preliminary issues, the pertaining obligations of the Republic of Serbia
under international law will be briefly displayed
Indigenous Peoples’ Rights to Resources: Why They Can(not) be Justified?
Get PDFRad ispituje da li domorodačko stanovništvo treba da ima pravo da upravlja resursima na teritoriji koju nastanjuje. Rad pokazuje kako etatistički argument prema kojem resursi treba da pripadnu državi nije moralno opravdan. Takođe pokazuje i kako je pravo na samoopredeljenje previše moralno arbitrarno kako bi opravdalo vlasništvo domorodaca nad resursima. Zbog toga rad tvrdi da je princip privrženosti najbolji način da se opravda vlasništvo domorodaca nad resursima. Rad pokazuje i pojedine probleme principa privrženosti i nudi „princip ograničene privrženosti” kao rešenje. Rad na osnovu toga tvrdi da se prava domorodaca na resurse mogu opravdati samo ukoliko je teritorija na kojoj se resursi nalaze neophodna za ostvarivanje životnih planova domorodaca i ukoliko to ostvarivanje ne zadire u osnovna ljudska prava ostalog stanovništva.This Article is exploring weather indigenous peoples should have the right
to control the resources belonging to the territories that they populate. The
article explains why statist argument, according to which resources should
belong to the state, is not justifiable. The article also presents why self-determination is not a proper principle for justifying indigenous peoples’ rights
to resources either. Therefore, the article claims that the attachment principle is the way to justify these rights. The article explores certain issues with
this principle and proposes the ”limited attachment principle” as a solution.
Therefore, the article’s claim is that rights to resources of indigenous peoples
can be justified only if the territory on which resources are based is essential or pursuit of people’s life-plans, and if that pursuit does not impede basic
human rights of others
Socialist Yugoslavia and Camillo Castiglioni
Get PDFU radu se na osnovu neobjavljene arhivske građe i
dostupne literature analiziraju veze između Jugoslavije i finansijera Kamila
Kastiljonija u razdoblju od 1949. do 1955. godine. Autor u članku opisuje dva
perioda. U prvom, koji traje tokom 1949. godine, Kastiljoni je imao ulogu
posrednika između Jugoslavije i američke Eksport-import banke u vezi sa kredi-
tom koji je Beograd tražio od te bankarske ustanove. Drugi period, koji počinje
krajem 1950. i završava se 1955. godine, obeležen je nastojanjima Kastiljonija
da od jugoslovenske države, prvo nagodbom a potom i sudskim putem, naplati
neizmirena potraživanja. Autor razmatra slučaj Kamila Kastiljonija i u okviru
šireg konteksta jugoslovenskih odnosa sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i
ItalijomAfter the breakup of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites in
1948, Yugoslavia began to turn to Western countries, seeking not only formal but
also informal ties for connecting with them, especially in the economic field. Ital-
ian financier Camillo Castiglioni seemed like a good choice for the role of unoffi-
cial mediator, especially because of the contacts he had with US financial circles.
During 1949, the Yugoslavs hired him as an informal mediator for negotiations
with the Export-Import Bank of the United States, in order to obtain a loan from
this banking institution. An agreement was signed with him, in which he was
promised an adequate reward for mediation. Since at the same time the official
representatives of Yugoslavia and the United States were involved in the loan
negotiations, and because of the indignation of the Americans over Castiglioni’s
role, Belgrade quickly gave up his services. For his engagement, Castiglioni re-
ceived compensation from Yugoslavia in the form of money and goods (hemp),
which referred only to the costs of mediation, but did not include the promised
commission. Taking advantage of the fact that he could not get the promised
amount of money from the sale of hemp, Castiglioni initiated a lawsuit against
Yugoslavia in an Italian court in 1951 and demanded that he be paid the differ-
ence in money, and also the amount of the promised commission. Although the
court ruled in his favor that same year, Yugoslavia did not recognize the court’s
decision. The next few years passed on the one hand in Castiglioni’s efforts to
execute the court verdict and collect the claims, and on the other hand in the at-
tempts of state officials in Belgrade and Rome to find a compromise solution that
would satisfy the Yugoslavs. This included offers for a settlement, proposals for
arbitration of an international court, and the like. The trial and the execution of the
verdict took place at a time when Italy and Yugoslavia were trying to unravel the
complicated knot of Trieste, so the Castiglioni case was also influenced by the
situation in bilateral relations. Finally, in 1955, Castiglioni managed to collect the
requested amount, which was paid off by the Italian state as a part of a broader
Yugoslav-Italian agreement on war reparations
Evolution of EU energy law and policy: A big comeback of energy security in 2022?
Get PDFThe armed conflict in Ukraine in 2022 and subsequent worsening
of relations between Western countries, including the EU and its Member
States, and the Russian Federation, have deeply shaken the existing EU
energy law and policy foundations. During the past decades, the EU
attempted to develop a comprehensive energy policy based on three
pillars – competitiveness and internal market principles, security of
supply, sustainability and environmental protection. Starting in the 1990s,
liberalization efforts dominated the electricity and natural gas markets.
It did not take long for energy security and environmental protection
to gain attention. Enlargement of the European Union and occasional
problems with external suppliers prompted new measures regarding the
security of supply, while a growing body of legislation is also present
in the field of environmental protection. The three objectives of the EU
energy policy are not always complementary, and some tension and even
confliction between them can’t be excluded. Although the European
Union and its institutions attempt to embrace all three pillars under the
sustainability umbrella, this hasn’t brought a desirable outcome yet. We
are witnessing the big comeback of energy security in 2022, including
the adoption of some measures by the Member States that are not in line
with decarbonization efforts, at least in short term
Smart cities' developmental capacities in the fields of spatial planning and construction - lessons from Copenhagen to Belgrade
Get PDFThis paper focuses on smart cities’ capacities to improve quality of public services and decision making in all policy fields, with open data and co-production. Spatial planning and construction are chosen for research as vitally connected with economy and sustainable development. Research methods are: the analysis of existing studies, the comparison of Copenhagen as smart city, and Belgrade, which can learn from good practice (case studies). Main recommendations: change in values, in priorities and patterns of behavior
Genological media alternative – column as an antigenre
Get PDFU dobu digitalnih sadržaja, informacija ne dopire do čoveka samo
posredstvom standardnih i utvrđenih jezičkih i žanrovskih formi. Osim hibridnih, u
javnosti je moguće iskusiti mnoštvo drugih žanrova, u skladu sa kontekstom aktuelne
stvarnosti. Prvi novinarski žanr izdvojen iz sveta književnosti – kolumna – danas nije
samo književnost u malom. U njoj se odvijaju tokovi koje možemo posmatrati iz ugla
književnih studija i studija novinarstva jer zadržava normirana žanrovska svojstva,
dajući nove dimenzije značenja. Genoloških istraživanja u oblasti medija je malo. Ču-
vanje obeležja tradicionalnih žanrova teško je kao i oblikovanje novih žanrova koji se
mogu označiti kao alternativni. Kolumna u javnom diskursu danas nije zanemarena
već, naprotiv, privlači pažnju mladih generacija (nedeljnici, portali, nove medijske
platforme poput Jutjuba ili Ted razgovora). Kolumna kao protivžanr jeste osvedočena
„navika” teksta da se oblikuje nasuprot očekivanju. Kolumnista sam određuje svoje
žanrovske granice. Ironijsko-parodijska, negatorska, nihilistička strana kolumne pro-
ističe iz nesigurnosti novinarskog diskursa. Neprestano meandriranje forme utiče na
njeno opažanje. Protivžanrovska svojstva kolumne čine je kritički okrenutom prema
genološkim konvencijama. Kolumna nema strogih konvencija, osim konvencija razbi-
janja konvencija i nastojanja da bude „nekonvencionalna”. Kolumna pomera granice i
značenja žanrova i doprinosi decentriranju savremenog medijskog diskursa. Ona postaje
nova strukturna dominanta savremenog novinarstva.n the age of digital content, information does not reach people only
through standard and established linguistic and genre forms. In addition to hybrids, it
is possible to experience many other genres in public, in accordance with the context of
current reality. The first journalistic genre singled out from the world of literature – the
column – today is not just small-scale literature. There are currents in it that we can
observe from the angle of literary and journalistic studies because it retains the stand-
ardized genre properties, giving new dimensions of meaning. There is little genealogical
research in the field of media. Preserving the features of traditional genres is as difficult
as shaping new genres that can be labeled as alternatives. The column in public discourse
today is not neglected, but, on the contrary, it attracts the attention of young generations
(weeklies, portals, new media platforms such as YouTube or Ted talk). The column as
a counter-genre is a proven “habit” of the text to take shape against expectations. The
columnist himself determines his genre boundaries. The ironic-parodic, negative, nihilistic side of the column stems from the uncertainty of journalistic discourse. The constant
meandering of the form affects its perception. The anti-genre features of the column
make it critically oriented towards genealogical conventions. The column has no strict
conventions, other than conventions breaking conventions and trying to be “unconventional.” The column pushes the boundaries and meanings of genres and contributes to
the decentralization of contemporary media discourse. It is becoming the new structural
dominant of contemporary journalism
Faceless, estranged and dangerous: Visual representation of female migrants From the Middle East and Africa in the Serbian Media landscape
Get PDFAkademska istraživanja o medijskom izveštavanju o migrantima i izbeglicama su u porastu od velike „migrantske krize” 2015. godine. Međutim, malo autora se fokusira na vizuelnu reprezentaciju migrantkinja, za koju je utvrđeno da može da utiče na pozitivnije stavove građana i da doprinese razvoju „kulture go- stoprimstva” (Bleiker et al., 2014). Glavni cilj ovog rada je da identifikuje dominantne vizuelne okvire u kojima se u štampanim i on-lajn medijima u Srbiji izveštava o migrantkinjama sa Bliskog istoka i iz Afrike. Кvantitativno-kvalitativna ana- liza 54 fotografije u periodu od 2015. do 2020. godine zasnovana je na konceptu vi- zuelnih medijskih okvira. Glavni rezultati pokazuju da se migrantkinje dominantno vizuelno prikazuju u okvirima pretnje po bezbednost granica i zdravlja ljudi, sa velike udaljenosti kamere od grupe u kojoj se nalaze, čime su lišene identiteta i glasa u medijskom sadržaju.Contemporary research on media reporting about migrants and refugees has
been intensified since the 2015 European migrant crisis. However, only a limited number
of authors focus on the visual representation of female migrants, which has been recog-
nised to lead to more positive citizens’ perceptions and the development of the “culture of
hospitality” (Bleiker et al., 2014). The main objective of this paper is to identify dominant
visual frame in which female migrants appear in the Serbian print and online media. The
mixed-method analysis of 54 images captured from 2015 until 2020 is based on the theo-
retical concept of visual media frames. The main results show that female migrants have
been dominantly visually represented as a threat to border security and public health and
that they are usually captured in long shots, deprived of identity and voice in the overall
media coverage
“1948 never to be repeated!” Yugoslav relations Towards Italian communists and socialists 1957–1962
No full textJugoslavija je tokom 1957. ostvarila blisku saradnju sa Komunističkom partijom Italije, sa kojom je na jesen prethodne godine obnovila odnose prekinute nakon Rezolucije Informbiroa. Saradnju nisu pokvarile ni nesuglasice koje su se pojavile u odnosima Jugoslavije sa SSSR-om nakon revolucionarnih događaja u Mađarskoj. Istovremeno, Jugosloveni su 1957. uspostavili odnose i sa Socijalističkom partijom Italije, ali oni nisu bili tako intenzivni kao sa KPI. Ako su odnosi sa komunistima i socijalistima tokom 1957. išli u istom pravcu – mada ne i podjednakom brzinom – stvari su se počele menjati naredne godine. Prekretnicu je predstavljao VII kongres SKJ, koji je doveo do otvorenog sukoba na relaciji Beograd– Moskva. Nakon kongresa KPI je počela da usklađuje svoju politiku sa stavovima koje su zastupali SSSR i ostale komunističke partije, ali je nastojala i da održi neki vid saradnje sa Jugoslovenima. To su najčešće bili kontakti sa masovnim organizacijama koje su bile pod indirektnom kontrolom italijanskih komunista, dok su rukovodstva dve partije održavala neformalne kontakte. Socijalistička partija Italije nastupala je sa drugačijih pozicija. Kako su u posmatranom periodu raskinuli dotadašnju blisku saradnju sa KPI i bili oslobođeni pritiska da moraju da usaglašavaju svoju politiku sa italijanskim komunistima i SSSR-om, socijalisti su pristupili sveobuhvatnoj saradnji sa Jugoslavijom. Tako je krajem 50-ih SPI postala najbliskija Jugoslovenima, ne samo kada su partije italijanske levice u pitanju već, čini se, i u širem evropskom okviru. Bliskost se naročito videla u stavovima prema spoljnopolitičkim pitanjima i u odnosu prema međunarodnom radničkom pokretu. Ponovno približavanje Jugoslavije i SSSR-a početkom 60-ih imalo je odraza i na veze sa italijanskim partijama. Tada je intenzivirana saradnja sa KPI, dok su odnosi sa socijalistima počeli da gube na dotadašnjem značaju.The paper presents an analysis of relations between
Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian
left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist
Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and
the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain
the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow
affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those
Italian parties