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Analysis of the institution of local obmudsman in the republic of Bulgaria on the examples of a municipality Stara Zagora and the City of Sofia
Get PDFPredmet ovog rada je položaj i status institucije lokalnog ombudsmana u Republici Bugarskoj prikazan na primerima opštine Stara Zagora i grada Sofije. Bugarska i Srbija spadaju u krug zemalja koje imaju instituciju ombudsmana na centralnom i lokalnom nivou. U obe zemlje, institucija lokalnog ombudsmana je nastala i razvijala se u relativno sličnim okolnostima, vremenskom periodu i uslovima, a relativno mali broj JLS se do danas odlučio za njeno osnivanje. Međutim, to ne znači da je lokalni ombudsman još jedna u nizu nepotrebnih i „promašenih” institucija koje se mogu pojaviti u političko-pravnim sistemima pojedinih država. Ovo istraživanje treba da pokaže, s jedne strane, svrhu institucije lokalnog ombudsmana, a sa druge, značaj koji ova institucija ima u opštinama i gradovima u Bugarskoj, analizom njihovih sličnosti i razlika u Sofiji i Staroj Zagori. Dodatno, u Srbiji niko se do sada nije naučno bavio proučavanjem ove institucije u Bugarskoj. U Bugarskoj, s druge strane, nema značajnijih istraživanja koja bi se odnosila na ovu instituciju. U Srbiji je naučni i stručni fond koji se odnosi na instituciju lokalnog ombudsmana takođe mali. Ovaj rad treba da posluži i upoznavanju naučne i stručne javnosti sa ovom institucijom, ali i da doprinese dodatnom komparativnom, tzv. „tvining” istraživanju, koje bi moglo da omogući bolje sagledavanje i dalji razvoj ove institucije u obe zemlje u budućnosti.The subject of this paper is the position and status of the institution of
local ombudsman in the Republic of Bulgaria shown on the examples of these institu-
tions in the municipalities of Stara Zagora and Sofia. The Republic of Bulgaria and the
Republic of Serbia belong to the circle of countries, which in their political and legal
systems have the institution of ombudsman at the central level, but they can also have it
at the level of local self-governments. In both countries, this institution was created and
developed in relatively similar circumstances and time period as well as under similar
conditions. In both countries, given the optional character of the institution, a relatively
small number of municipalities and cities, have decided to establish local ombudsman.
However, this does not mean that the local ombudsman is another in a series of un-
necessary and “failed” institutions that may appear in the political and legal systems of
individual states. This research should show, on the one hand, the purpose of the local
ombudsman institution, and on the other hand, the importance that this institution has
in the municipalities and cities in Bulgaria, by analysing their similarities and differ-
ences in Sofia and Stara Zagora. In addition, no one in the Republic of Serbia has so far
scientifically studied this institution in Bulgaria. In Bulgaria, on the other hand, there is
no significant research related to this institution. In the Republic of Serbia, the scientific
and professional fund related to the institution of the local ombudsman in our country
is also rare. This paper should contribute to a “twinning” research that could lead to a
better understanding and further development of this institution in Serbia and Bulgaria.Zbornik radova: Lokalni ombudsmani u gradovima i opštinama Srbije(urs. Bogoljub Milosavljević, Jelena Jerinić, Marko Tomašević), Pravni fakultet Union, Naučno-stručna konferencija „Lokalni ombudsmani u gradovima i opštinama Srbije, 25. februara 2022
Experiences of children in migration with violence on the western Balkan route
Get PDFDeca u migracijama na balkanskoj ruti su, pored drugih ugrožavajućih okolnosti, izložena svim osnovnim vrstama (fizičko, psihološko, seksualno) i mnogobrojnim drugim oblicima nasilja, u zemljama porekla i tokom putovanja.
Ovaj rad razmatra iskustva dece u migracijama na balkanskoj ruti sa stanovišta
prava deteta, gde je prikazan deo rezultata istraživanja koji su deo šireg projekta,
„Nasilje nad decom na balkanskoj migracionoj ruti – rešenja kroz zagovaranje i
istraživanje”. Projekat je razvijen u saradnji sa Save the Children NWB i Centrom
za interdisciplinarne studije Univerziteta u Sarajevu, uz podršku Inicijativa za
istraživanje seksualnog nasilja (SVRI). Istraživanje je sprovedeno na teritoriji
Bosne i Hercegovine i Srbije, koje su tranzitna zona na putu prema Zapadnoj
Evropi. Svrha studije je bliže razumevanje karakteristika nasilja nad decom u
migracijama u Srbiji i BiH i faktora koji doprinose nasilju i/ili zaštiti dece migranata. Istraživanjem je obuhvaćeno 48 dece, od kojih je 10 devojčica, uzrasta od
13 do 19 godina. Nalazi upućuju da su deci u migracijama, u raznovrsnim situacijama i okolnostima, uskraćena brojna prava, iz sve tri velike grupe: na zaštitu od nasilja i eksploatacije, obezbeđenje uslova za rast i razvoj i participaciju.
Neretko im je uskraćeno pravo na učešće u stvarima koje ih se tiču, a njihovo
gledište se retko spoznaje i razmatra. Ovo ukazuje na nerazvijene mehanizme
za primenu međunarodnih propisa u oblasti prava deteta u migracijama i nesaglasne, čak suprotstavljene, agende prava deteta i restriktivnog upravljanja
migracijama u politikama Evropske unije.Children in migration on the Balkan route are, in addition to other threaten-
ing circumstances, exposed to all basic types (physical, psychological, sexual)
and numerous other forms of violence, in the countries of origin and during
the journey.
This paper discusses the experiences of children in migration on the Balkan
route from the point of view of children’s rights. The research results presented
are part of a wider project: “Violence against children on the Balkan migration
route – solutions through advocacy and research”. The project was developed
in cooperation with Save the Children NWB and the Center for Interdisciplinary
Studies of the University of Sarajevo, with the support of the Sexual Violence
Research Initiative (SVRI)
The Crisis of the Liberal International Order and the Europeanization of the Western Balkans
No full textThe liberal international order today faces a crisis of legitimacy and social purpose. Although the crisis is primarily internal, the consequences have vast external manifestations, especially in Europe. Not only have US-EU relations been affected, but the effects of Europeanization have also changed, both within and outside the EU. Transformative power, once the main integrative resource of the European Union, no longer yields results. This is particularly evident in the Western Balkans. There are many reasons for the EU’s failure to play the essential transformative role in the Western Balkans region. Most authors ascribe this either to the Western Balkans’ domestic situation (Börzel, 2011; Freyburg and Richter, 2010; Ademović, 2019), or to the EU’s inability to enlarge further (‘integration incapacity’) and to exert a credible pressure (Kovačević, 2019), or to both reasons simultaneously (Bieber, 2019; Radić Milosavljević, 2019). This chapter puts this issue into a larger perspective and draws attention to the global context in which the EU’s enlargement policy and external Europeanization efforts operate. We argue that the crisis of the liberal order spilled over into the European Union and thus damaged the ability of the EU to shape institutions, processes and political outcomes in the Western Balkans. We observe these significant trends through the erosion of the value-institutional pillar of the liberal order and the EU’s increasing reliance on real-political instruments for pursuing its strategic goals. This chapter is organized as follows. First, we explain what a liberal international order is, the role and position of the European Community/Union in this order, and why a crisis occurs. Secondly, we explain how the crisis of the liberal order has affected the European Union and its ability to Europeanize itself and others. Finally, we give a brief genesis of the EU’s efforts to shape institutions, processes, and political outcomes in the Western Balkans and explain why there has been a slowdown and stalemate in recent years
A Closer Look at Darkness in a Video Game Based on Conrad’s Heart of Darkness
No full textVideo games are a medium usually reserved for, and identified with, the
field of entertainment. As a book may be adapted into film, or vice versa,
video games have also been mediums of adaptation, some more successful
than others. An adaptation need not be direct – fine literature may
be altered to an extent that it ends up being an almost unrecognizable
analogue to the source, but with the ideas of the source preserved and
conveyed through different means and added agency. This is the case with
2K Games’ Spec Ops: The Line, an adaptation of Joseph Conrad’s classic
novel Heart of Darkness. The game, like the novel, deals with a gradual descent
into the depths of the darkness which lies in the hearts of all people;
an exploration of human depravity, a road from which there is no return,
paved by acts of desperation constantly growing in intensity. In this paper,
the ability of the game to impact the worldview and affect the morality of
the player is explored. For this purpose, a survey was drafted and shared
with the members of a Serbian online video game enthusiast community,
specifically the ones that have played the game. The survey was meant to
assess in what way and to what extent the players felt the game influenced
their views and beliefs, if at all. The survey responses varied, sometimes
dramatically, but a majority indicated that there had been some change
present as a result of experiencing the game’s events. The response analysis
provides more information on, as well as an insight into, why and how
these changes occurred
Serbia’s economic cooperation in light of recent regional initiatives
No full textIn this paper, the authors analyse the economic cooperation of Serbia with the most important
trade partners and research recent initiatives on regional integration, especially Regional
Economic Area, Regional Common Market and Open Balkan. Serbia as a small European economy
is very open to international economic exchange with the rest of the world. But the most
important trade partners of Serbia are situated in its vicinity. The most important trade partner
is European Union (EU), a very developed customs union close to Serbian borders. Also,
important trade partners include neighbouring countries of Serbia, especially those which were
the part of the single Yugoslav market in the past. Other important trade partners include: Russia,
or Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) now, China, countries of European Free Trade Association
(EFTA), the USA. The paper examines the launch of three regional initiatives deriving from the
Berlin Process and analyses their prospects in the Western Balkans vis-à-vis its wider European
integration. In addition to implementing reforms, regional cooperation is also one of the
prerequisites for a successful European accession. While the countries in the Central and Eastern
Europe and the Baltic countries were encouraged, and not required, to cooperate with their
neighbours, the Western Balkan Six have had to achieve benchmarks in terms of their mutual
relations, along with their bilateral accession process with Brussels
Kontinuitet i promene spoljne politike SAD prema Zapadnom Balkanu za vreme prve godine Bajdenove administracije: trećI Obamin ili drugi Trampov mandat?
Get PDFMany analysts expected a radical change in President Joseph Biden’s foreign policy compared to the foreign policy of previous President Donald Trump. A year after his electoral victory, opinions about how much Biden actually changed in the US foreign policy vary from those who see it as a revolutionary change to those who perceive it as a difference only in tone and continuity in the majority of crucial policy aspects. This paper aims to contribute to this debate by addressing the issues of continuity and changes in the new administration foreign policy towards the Western Balkans. Although many expected that Biden’s policy to the region would be much more similar to President Barrack Obama’s or even President Bill Clinton’s approach, this paper claims that the new administration has a lot in common with the course of the previous President Donald Trump. There are also some changes and modifications, but they seem to be less crucial than the elements of continuity that exist between Biden’s and Trump’s administrations’ foreign policy towards this region. The paper also addresses the causes of this continuity and claims that the main reason for that are structural factors on the level of the international system. However, some reasons for the continuity are also on the state (internal) and individual levels of analysis.Mnogi analitičari očekivali su radikalnu promenu u spolj-
noj politici predsednika Džozefa Bajdena, posebno u poređenju sa
prethodnim predsednikom Donaldom Trampom. Godinu dana nakon
izborne pobede, mišljenja o tome koliko je Bajden zaista prome-
nio spoljnu politiku SAD su podeljena i variraju od onih koji
vide revolucionarnu promenu do onih koji vide samo razliku u
tonu u većini ključnih aspekata. Ovaj rad nastoji da doprinese
debati kroz analizu kontinuiteta i promene u spoljnoj politi-
ci nove administracije prema regionu Zapadnog Balkana. Iako su
mnogi očekivali da Bajdenova politika bude sličnija pristupima
predsednika Baraka Obame ili čak Bila Klintona, ovaj rad argu-
mentuje da nova administracija zadržava značajan deo zajedničkog
kursa sa Trampovom. Međutim, primetne su i određene promene
i modifikacije, ali čini se da one nisu važnije od elemenata
kontinuiteta koji postoje između odnosa dve administracije pre-
ma regionu. Rad se takođe obraća uzrocima ovakvog kontinuiteta
i tvrdi da glavni razlog za to leži u strukturalnim faktorima
na nivou međunarodnog sistema. Ostali razlozi se mogu naći na
državnom (unutrašnjem nivou), kao i na individualnom nivou
analiz
Ставови странака о вертикалној организацији власти у Србији као фактору ефикасног јавног управљања
No full textПредмет овог рада су програмски ставови релевантних странака, конкретни предлози и њихов однос у пракси према питању вертикалне организације власти у Србији. Под релевантним странкама се подразумевају оне које су имали трајније присуство на политичкој сцени (веће парламентарне странке), при чему је фокус странкама које су биле носиоци владајуће коалиције (владе). Вертикална организација власти подразумева питање организације и статуса локалне самоуправе, аутономних покрајина као и природу односа између различитих нивоа власти. Значајна пажња је посвећена процесима реформи држава крајем 20. века у Европи и (западном) свету са циљем демократизације и ефикаснијег управљања и питању колико су странке у Србији увиђале смисао ових процеса и биле им посвећене. Чињеница да је вертикална организација власти у Србији остала непромењена у посматраних 30 година говори да и поред конкретних предлога појединих странака, ова тема, генерално гледано, није била у врху приоритета страначких активности у Србији. Тиме је пропуштена прилика за реформом јавног управљања која би довела до учвршћивања демократије и ефикаснијег јавног управљања
Homosexuality, Queer and Marxism: An Historical Survey and a View from the (post)Yugoslav perspective
Get PDFKompleksan odnos kvira i marksizma, i s njima uvezanih koncepata roda i klase, opresije i eksploatacije, pitanje je koje se iznova pokreće unutar progresivnih teorija i pokreta. Ko ima prioritet? Ili, da li je pitanje prioriteta posve pogrešno, već je potrebno odgovoriti kako se ovi koncepti međusobno uslovljavaju?
Odgovori na ova pitanja zavise i od toga kako uopšte koncipiramo višestruke istorije kvir marksizma. Stoga je ovaj tekst podijeljen na dva segmenta. Prvi se odnosi na istoriju kvir marksizma na Zapadu. Korpus prvog segmenta uključuje do sada dominantne pristupe ovoj istoriji i radove autorki i autora poput Marija Mielija i Guyja Hocquenghema iz perioda druge polovine 20. vijeka, te pisanja jednog od začetnika kvir marksizma Petera Druckera iz prošle decenije. Drugi segment rada u središte stavlja savremene dekolonijalne perspektive na kvir marksističku istoriju u nastajanju, sa akcentom na dosadašnja proučavanja homoseksualne istorije tokom perioda socijalističke Jugoslavije. Na samom kraju, ukratko se skicira polje postjugoslovenskog kvir marksizma koje je u nastajanju.The complex relationship between Queer and Marxism, and the related concepts of gender and class, opression and exploatation, is the question that gets raised time and again within progressive theories and movements. Which one has the priority? Or, is the priority issue totally wrong, and one needs to answer instead how these concepts mutually condition each other? The answers to these questions also depend on how we conceive the multiple histories of Queer Marxism.
Therefore, this essay is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the history
of Queer Marxism in the West. The corpus of works upon which this segment is
based involves so far dominant approaches to this history and works by authors like Mario Mieli and Guy Hocquenghem from the second half of the 20th century, as well as the writings by one of the founders of Queer Marxism, Peter Drucker, from the last decade. The second part focuses on the present-day decolonial perspectives on Queer Marxist history in the making, and in particular, previous studies of homosexual history from the Yugoslav socialist period. In the end, we provide a brief sketch of the field of post-Yugoslav Queer Marxism in the making
Mythology and Religion as Gameplay Elements in The Witcher Series
No full textVideo games are not a medium purely meant for entertainment. They may also embody the role of a medium that introduces aspects of different cultures to players around the world. Some mythologies, such as Greek or Nordic mythologies have long been popular with Western gaming audiences. However, there have been few video games representing Slavic mythology and religious elements. One of them, and one that has enjoyed worldwide success and recognition, is The Witcher 3: Wild Hunt, the third part in the titular The Witcher series of video games, which were themselves based on and inspired by the works of Polish author Andrzej Sapkowski. The video game series immerses players into a world based on Slav folklore in both story and gameplay. Gameplay elements drawn straight from Slavic legends include: a large variety of monsters from these legends; silver weapons used as the best means of offense against these creatures; Places of Power – monoliths that grant the player temporary
boosts in ability and power; weapon runes - upgrades the names of which reflect the nature of the benefit gained when using them; and many others. In this way, The Witcher 3: Wild Hunt has helped establish the popularity of Slavic mythology internationally, successfully introducing it to a large number of gamers