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The Serbian Neighbour: Historical Heritage, Present Challenges and Ways to Improve Relations in the Western Balkans
No full textAfter the restoration of Montenegro`s independence in 2006, Serbia failed to substantially change its conception of relations with its new neighbours, that is with the countries of the former Yugoslavia. Bearing in mind that regional relations and neighbourhood policies are essential components of the European Union`s integration process and conditionality policy, all Western Balkan countries sholud nurture good relations with their neighbours. There are many historical layers that justify and explaine the differences betweenthe existing neighbourhood policies of Serbia and other regional actors. At the beginning of the 19th century, Serbia succeeded in restoring its statehood. However, during the whole of this century, and at the beginning of thenext, it found itself in a very awkward position between various actors - the Ottoman Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire - and their opposing interests.This challenging position continued after the Balkan Wars (1912 and 1913) with the emergence oft the then `new` Balkan neighbours - Albania, Montenegro and Greece - resulting indeteriorating relations with Bulgaria. The first and second Yugoslavia (1918-1991) also had relatively poor relationswith their neighbours, caused both by attempts to revise international treaties after World War One (Bulgaria, Austria and Hungary), as well as by ideological conflicts betweenthis country and the Soviet satellite states after World War Twvo (Albania, Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary). With the disapperance of Tito`s Yugoslavia, Serbia, within teh Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 1992 and the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro from 2003 to 2006, found itself in a completely new envriomental surrounded by newly created ststes - Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and North Macedonia (then named (Former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia, and witch Serbia did not acknnowledge until 1996, whit which it still has numerous bilateral problems and difficulties. That is why the authors point in the basic directions and principles of the necessity of new frameworks for Serbia`s foreign policy towards its post Yugoslav/Western Balkan neighbours, as well as other countries of Southeast Europe
Two and a Half Crises: Serbian Institutional Design as the Cause of Democratic Declines
No full textThis article investigates the effects of Serbian semi-presidentialism and the proportional
representation electoral system on democratic performances. Both electoral and political systems
provide incentives for power-sharing mechanisms and the pluralistic character of the party system.
However, in situations when one party becomes much stronger and predominant, there is a
growing probability for the presidentialization of politics and excessive centralization of power
that might lead to competitive authoritarianism. I am analysing three such cases from different
periods – Milošević regime (1990–2000), the first transitional decade (2000–2012) and the return
of the old regime (2012–2020) in order to identify causes of democratic crises that are embedded
in institutional design
Security sector reform in Serbia: scope and limitations of democratic police governance
Get PDFУ овом раду, аутори представљају најзначајније домете реформе полиције у Србији, оцењују ниво демократског управљања полицијом, али и изазове и ограничења са којима се ова реформа сусреће. Анализа обухвата период од почетка реформе након 5. октобра 2000. године до данас, а за циљ има да пружи одговор на питање: „колико је успешно спроведена реформа полиције у Србији?”. Користећи петодимензионални модел демократског управљања сектором безбедности, аутори анализирају пет кључних области реформе, подржавајући своје наводе релевантном литературом и истраживањима. Пружајући најпре увид у правни оквир и поштовање људских права од стране полиције, а потом анализирајући ефективност интерне и екстерне контроле, као и постигнут ниво транспарентности и репрезентативности полиције, аутори указују на мањкавости досадашње реформе. У закључку се истиче да је демократско управљање сектором безбедности у пракси наишло на бројне проблеме, те да након више од две деценије реформа полиција није дала очекиване резултате. За демократско управљање полицијом, неопходан је снажан парламент вољан да контролише њен рад, независни државни органи који су у стању да успоставе надзор над деловањем полиције, али и воља унутар МУП-а за репрезентативношћу и благовременом обавештавању јавности о свом раду.In this paper, the authors present the most significant achievements of Serbian police reform, assess the level of democratic police management, as well as the challenges and limitations that
this reform is facing. The analysis covers the period from the beginning of the reform, i.e. from 5th October 2000, until today, with the aim to answer the question of how successfully the police reform has been implemented in Serbia. Strengthening their claims with relevant literature and research, the authors examine five key areas of reform by using a five-dimensional model of democratic security sector governance. The authors identify the shortcomings of the reform by first providing insight into the legal framework and respect for human rights by the police, and by analysing the effectiveness of internal and external control, as well as the achieved level of transparency and representativeness of the police. Positive progress has been made in the area of representativeness, particularly in the integration of women into the police, though there are serious issues with their progress in the service. Despite being formally well regulated, transparency is insufficiently proactive and citizens-friendly, as evidenced by an examination of documents and sessions of the relevant parliamentary committee. In conclusion, the authors note that democratic security sector governance has encountered numerous problems in practice, and that police reform has not yielded the expected results after more than two decades. A strong Parliament willing to control the police, independent bodies capable of overseeing their activities, also a willingness within the Ministry of Interior to achieve representativeness and proactive public informing about its work, are required for democratic police governance
Foreign policy issues as an element of Hillary Clinton’s election campaign strategy in the 2016 presidential elections in the United States of America
Get PDFPredmet istraživanja ovog rada je pristup spoljnoj
politici Sjedinjenih Američkih Država kao element
izborne strategije Hilari Klinton na predsedničkim
izborima u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama 2016. godine.
Identifikacija spoljnopolitičkih tema i njihov tretman
u izbornoj kampanji poslužiće da se utvrdi vrednosna
orijentacija Hilari Klinton, samo poreklo i koreni njenog
pristupa spoljnopolitičkim temama, kao i da se utvrdi veza
između vrednosne orijentacije i spoljne politike za kakvu
se zalagala. Najpre će biti reči o (spoljnopolitičkim)
temama kao faktoru izborne motivacije na osnovu socio-
psihološkog modela izbornog ponašanja, izbornoj strategiji
i vrednosnoj orijentaciji kao njenoj osnovi i savremenom
političkom mitu kao jezgru. U radu su analizirani
govori kandidatkinje i tri predsedničke debate. Takođe,
izborni program Hilari Klinton korišćen je da dopuni
ili pojasni nešto što je u predsedničkim debatama već
spomenula. Glavni argument je da pristup Hilari Klinton
spoljnoj politici ima duboke korene u američkoj istoriji i
tradiciji, da je u dobroj meri oblikovan njenim pređašnjim
političkim iskustvom i da se temelji na mitu o američkoj
izuzetnosti u duhu Vilsonijanaca.This paper aims to research the approach to the foreign policy of
the United States of America as an element of Hillary Clinton’s
election campaign strategy in the 2016 presidential elections
in the United States of America. The identification of foreign
policy issues and their treatment in the election campaign will
help to determine the value orientation of Hillary Clinton, the
origin and roots of her approach to foreign policy, as well as
to determine the connection between the value orientation and
the foreign policy she advocated. First, we will present (foreign
policy) issues as a factor of voting behavior based on the socio-
psychological model of electoral behavior, campaign strategy and
value orientation as its basis and contemporary political myth as
the core. The paper analyzes the candidate’s speeches and three
presidential debates. Hillary Clinton’s election program was
used to complement or clarify something that she had already
mentioned in the presidential debates. The main argument of
this paper is that Hillary Clinton’s approach to foreign policy
has deep roots in American history and tradition, largely shaped
by her previous political experience, and based on the myth of
American exceptionalism her stances mostly reflect the elements
of Wilsonian foreign policy tradition. Hillary Clinton’s approach
was determined by the foreign policy course of the Washington
administration during the presidency of Barack Obama, in
which she served as secretary of state. Nevertheless, taking into
account that Hillary Clinton stood for a more proactive American
foreign policy than was acceptable to the majority of Democrats
and Barack Obama and a different approach to American
exceptionalism than Obama’s, it would be difficult to claim that
the foreign policy approach of Hillary Clinton’s campaign is just a continuation of Obama’s administration foreign policy
Protection of vulnerable energy consumers through the introduction of energy poverty
Get PDFЕнергетско сиромаштво је већ препознато као проблем почетком 21.
века, како на глобалном, тако и на европском нивоу. Реч је о феномену ког нису
поштеђене ни развијене државе, али који је свакако присутнији у државама у
развоју, односно неразвијеним државама. Ипак, ни данас нема јединствене
дефиниције онога што представља енергетско сиромаштво, и оно се разликује
од државе до државе и условљено је различитим околностима. Циљ овог рада
је да укаже на неке карактеристике енергетског сиромаштва које су идентичне
за све државе и регионе, као и да истакне разлике које могу да се јаве приликом
дефинисања и мерења енергетског сиромаштва, што последично утиче и на
различите мере и стратегије којима прибегавају државе како би се избориле са
овим проблемом. У Европској унији су препознате категорије енергетски
угрожених купаца, односно потрошача и енергетског сиромаштва у правно
обавезујућим актима, нарочито од усвајања тзв. Трећег енергетског пакета.
Када је реч о Србији, категорија енергетски угрожених купаца је препозната
Законом о енергетици, а ближе регулисана Уредбом о енергетски угроженом
купцу, док је појава енергетског сиромаштва дефинисана тек 2021. године
усвајањем Закона о енергетској ефикасности и рационалној употреби енергије.
Препознавањем ових категорија је начињен значајан позитиван искорак у
домену заштите рањивих купаца, односно потрошача енергије, али преостаје
да се види учинковитост мера које се предузимају како би се побољшао
положај енергетски угрожених купаца, односно смањило или искоренило
енергетско сиромаштво.Energy poverty has been recognized as a problem at the beginning of the
21st century, both globally and at the European level. It is a phenomenon that pose
a challenge even for developed countries, but which is certainly more present in
developing countries and especially in the underdeveloped countries. However, we
still do not have a single definition of energy poverty, and it differs from country to
country and depends on many circumstances. The aim of this paper is to point out
some characteristics of the energy poverty that are identical for all countries and
regions, as well as to highlight the differences that may occur when defining and
measuring energy poverty, which consequently affects the various measures and
strategies needed to tackle this problem. In the European Union, concepts of energy
vulnerable customers and energy poverty have been recognized in legally binding
acts, especially after the adoption of the so-called Third energy package. When it
comes to Serbia, the category of energy vulnerable customer is recognized by the
Law on Energy, and regulated in more detail by the Decree on Energy Vulnerable
Customer, while the concept of energy poverty was defined only in 2021 through the
Law on Energy Efficiency and Rational Use of Energy. Recognition of these
concepts was a significant step towards a better protection of vulnerable customers.
In practice, there still remains to see the effectiveness of measures taken with the aim
to reduce or even to eradicate the energy poverty
Bezbednosna funkcija države (drugo dopunjeno izdanje)
Get PDFПриказ књиге: Радослав Гаћиновић. 2021. Безбедносна функција државе. Београд: Институт за политичке студиј
“A thousand miles” and “a thousand tasks”: China’s diplomatization of multifaceted russia-ukraine conflict and global security
Get PDFThe People’s Republic of China’s (PRC, China) unflinching
stance throughout the ongoing Russian-Ukraine conflict has raised many
eyebrows and provoked diverse reactions. The lingering question in
different quarters is why China acts as it does and with what intentions.
Once again, one troubling international turmoil was laid at the Chinese
doorstep, almost turning into “China’s dilemma”. The starting assumption
is that PRC’s conduct shows an unswerving strategic orientation toward
“building a community with a shared future for mankind” (建设人类
命运共同体) through persistent diplomatization. Diplomatization is a
distinct process of containing grave security problems by making them
a matter of diplomacy. Current analysis falsifies this starting proposition
through conceptual inquiry into key actions and documents in China’s
diplomatic and political relations with Ukraine in the period from the
establishment of the strategic partnership in 2011 up to the head-start of
diplomatization of the convoluted Russia-Ukraine conflict by the Global
Security Initiative in April 2022. A strong diplomatization pattern is
found, showing that China’s stand regarding the Russia-Ukraine conflict is a case of diplomatized security concerns as a trigger for the headstarted diplomatization of global security. China consistently pursued
conceptualization and persuasion to dispel insecurities and contain warfare
and ensuing global disturbances through conversation and deliberation
focused on boosting major joint leaps for transforming obsolete modes
of governance structures to becoming aligned to the manifest direction of
epochal change. Furthermore, China’s global security outlook is firmly
anchored in the national security concept
Targeting in social policy - in the interest of society or individuals?
Get PDFTargetiranje u socijalnoj politici izaziva oprečne stavove – od njegovog prihvatanja kao načina za inkluziju najranjivijih kategorija društva i sredstva za umanjivanje socijalnih razlika, do odbacivanja, kao sredstva produbljivavnja nejednakosti, koje je i samo diskriminišuće. U prilog targetiranju mogu se izneti snažni argumenti, ali isto tako i kritike, koje upućuju da targetiranje može biti neefikasno, neekonomično, nepravedno i stigmatizujuće. Cilj ovog rada je analiza opravdanosti primene targetiranog pristupa u socijalnoj politici sa stanovišta antidiskriminacije, fokusirajući se na pitanje iz naslova: u čijem je interesu targetiranje u socijalnoj politici – društva ili pojedinaca? Za odgovor na istraživačko pitanje, sprovedena je desk analiza stručne literature, naučnih časopisa i relevantnih izveštaja međunarodnih organizacija iz oblasti socijalne politike. Analiza globalnih istraživačkih trendova i diskusija, dovela je do nalaza da je targetirani
pristup u interesu celokupnog društva, kao komplementaran (a ne suprotstavljen) univerzalnom pristupu, te opravdan, efikasno primenljiv i (makar privremeno) poželjan metod socijalne politike u određenim oblastima.Targeting in social policy provokes conflicting views - from its acceptance as a way to include the most vulnerable categories of society and a means of reducing social disparities, to rejection, as a means of deepening inequality, which is discriminatory by itself. Strong arguments can be made in favor of targeting, but also criticisms, which suggest that targeting can be inefficient, uneconomical, unfair and stigmatizing. The aim of this paper is to analyze the justification of
applying a targeted approach in social policy from the point of view of anti-discrimination, focusing on the question from the title: in whose interest is targeting in social policy - society or individuals? To answer the research question, a desk analysis of professional literature, scientific journals and relevant reports of international organizations in the field of social policy was conducted. Analysis of global research trends and discussions has led to the finding that a targeted approach is in the interest of society as a whole, as a complementary (not opposed to) universal approach, and a justified, effectively applicable and (at least temporarily) desirable method of social policy in certain areas
Testing the dynamic model of educational effectiveness: the impact of teacher factors on interest and achievement in mathematics and biology in Serbia
No full textHaving in mind that student achievement and interest in subject are some of the most important educational goals, and that quality of teaching is the crucial schooling factor influencing them, we examined the contribution of teacher-level variables from the dynamic model of educational effectiveness to student achievement and interest in mathematics and biology. The representative sample included 5,476 students from 125 elementary schools in Serbia and 5,021 parents. Data on student and teacher variables were collected through student and parent questionnaires, while data on prior and current achievement were comprised from students’ Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) 2011 scores and national examination results, respectively. Data were analyzed using multilevel modeling. The results indicate that teacher factors from the dynamic model did not impact student achievement in mathematics and biology but influenced student interest in both subjects. We offer recommendations for educational policy and directions for further research