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The EU and Third Actors in the Balkans. Relaunching Enlargement, Reviving Credibility
The first chapter by Milena Lazarević and Sava Mitrović focuses on the EU integration process in the Western Balkans. The analysts from the European Policy Centre look at the current state of play in enlargement policy, analysing both its political and procedural deficiencies and mapping their main consequences. They then provide an overview of the main non-EU actors’ influences, and examine their means and methods of penetration into the countries of the Western Balkans. Next, the chapter introduces innovative proposals for overcoming the enlargement impasse developed by the European Policy Centre in Belgrade together with the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) in Brussels. The “Template for Staged Accession to the EU”, published by the two think tanks in October 2021, seeks to achieve a twofold objective. On the one hand, it sets out to restore motivation for the reforms needed to attain EU membership by proposing that certain benefits should be extended to the candidate countries. On the other, it aims to unlock political will in the enlargement-sceptic member states by allaying their fears about the functioning of a further
enlarged Union
Does News Platform Matter? : Comparing Online Journalistic Role Performance to Newspaper, Radio, and Television
The shifting role of journalism in a digital age has affected long-standing journalistic norms across media platforms. This has reinvigorated discussion on how work in online newsrooms compares to other platforms that differ in media affordances and forms. Still, more studies are needed on whether those differences translate into distinct practices, especially when examining cross-national studies. Based on the second wave of the Journalistic Role Performance (JRP) project, this article reports the findings of a content analysis of 148,474 stories produced by 365 media organizations from 37 countries, comparing the performance of journalistic roles in online newsrooms to three other types of media—TV, radio, and print. The paper analyzes if journalistic roles present themselves differently across platforms, and if these differences are constant or they vary across countries. Results show that there are measurable differences in role performance in online journalism compared to other platforms. Platform had a significant impact, particularly in terms of service and infotainment orientation, while the implementation of roles oriented toward public service was more similar. Additionally, country differences in the relationship between role performance and platforms mainly emerged for roles that enable political influence on news coverage, with differences in the relationship between online vs. traditional platforms appearing to be distinct features of the specific political system
Pružanje usluga zaštite mentalnog zdravlja kroz javni i civilni sektor u Republici Srbiji
Mental health care reform is a long-term process and a key aspect of the development and progress of society as a whole. This paper aims to present an overview and analysis of mental health care services intended for adults within the public and civil sectors in the Republic of Serbia. The main method applied in this study is content analysis. The results show that certain services and measures to improve mental health care have been created and implemented, but many goals have not yet been achieved. The biggest challenges facing the provision of mental health care services – alongside a lack of financial resources – are discrepancies in regulations, the dominance of tertiary health services in providing treatment to people with mental health, a lack of services in the community, insufficient involvement of the civil sector, and weak intersectoral cooperation between different systems. Due to the lack of data transparency and comprehensive service registries, this paper presents a large – although not comprehensive – number of public, civil, and private sector mental health care services. Mental health care in the Republic of Serbia should in the future aim to overcome the gap between mental health policy and practice, promote deinstitutionalization, establish health and social services and support systems in the community, and search for protection models that will enable better social inclusion for people with mental health problems and the fulfillment of their social, economic, and all other human rightsReforma zaštite mentalnog zdravlja je dugotrajan proces i predstavlja važan deo razvoja i napretka
celokupnog društva. Cilj ovog rada je prikaz i analiza usluga zaštite mentalnog zdravlja u okviru javnog
i civilnog sektora u Republici Srbiji. Osnovni primenjeni metod je analiza sadržaja. Rezultati pokazuju
da su do sada kreirane i realizovane određene usluge i mere unapređenja zaštite mentalnog zdravlja, ali
ciljevi još uvek nisu ostvareni. Najveći izazovi pružanja usluga zaštite mentalnog zdravlja pored
nedostataka finansijskih resursa su i dalje neusaglašenost normativnih dokumenata iz ove oblasti i
prakse, dominacija tercijarnih zdravstvenih službi u pružanju tretmana osobama sa mentalnim
zdravljem, nedostatak usluga u zajednici, slaba uključenost civilnog sektora i slaba međusektorska
saradnja između različitih sisitema. Usled nedostataka sveobuhvatnih registara usluga i transparetnosti
podataka, u ovom radu prikazan je veliki broj usluga, ali ne i sve postojeće usluga zaštite mentalnog
zdravlja javnog i civilnog sektora koje se odnose na odrasle osobe sa problemima mentalnog zdravlja.
Uz nemogućnost da se sagledaju sve postojeće usluge zaštite mentalnog zdravlja, ograničenje ovog rada
je i nedostatak prikaza pružanja usluga kroz privatni sektor. Zaštite mentalnog zdravlja u Republici
Srbiji bi trebalo u budućnosti da bude usmerena na prevazilaženje jaza između dokumenata politike
mentalnog zdravlja, legislative i prakse, promociju deinstitucionalizacije, uspostavljanje zdravstveno-
socijalnih usluga i sistema podrške u zajednici, kao i potragu za modelima zaštite koji će osobama sa
problemima mentalnog zdravlja omogućiti bolju socijalnu inkluziju i ispunjenje socijalnih, ekonomskih i
svih drugih ljudskih prava
Mix methods in political sciences
This publication highlights the mix methods in political sciences methodology. Mix methods are defined as `mixing` both qualitative and qualitative methods, or their elements or integration of some elements. Qualitative methods are interpretive and refers to interviews, focus groups, qualitative date analysis and other methods in order to determine the categories, patterns and, mostly important, the participant`s meanings. Quantitative methods are survey and experiment. Survey is used to describe numerically a trend or certain opinion, while in experiment the goal is to identify the outcome, in comparing two groups, one control and other with experimental factor. There are diverse classification of mixed methods designs. During these twenty years, many methodologists have developed more than forty types, so Creswell and Plano Clark have made more concise several classifications of mixed methods designs which can be applied in social sciences. The object of this article is to point out four mix methods designs which can be applied in political sciences, such as Explanatory design, Exploratory design, Convergent and Embedded design. The author`s objective is to explain each of these designs, the procedures, challenges and their application. Mixed methods are used in political sciences when only qualitative or quantitative method cannot answer to a research question. The intention of `mixing` or integration of elements or procedures, collecting and analyzing data of both qualitative and qualitative methods, is to achieve more significant conclusions
The open data in public administration – a case study of the Republic of Serbia
Модерна јавна управа се заснива на концепту отворене управе, што укључује транспарентност, сарадњу и партиципацију. Оснивачи Уједињених нација подржавају овај концепт кроз декларацију о отвореној управи. Резултат њиховог напора је Партнерство за отворену управу, у које се придружују државе, локалне самоуправе и невладине организације. Кључни аспект отворене управе су отворени подаци који представљају јавно добро које је доступно свима без ограничења ауторских права и других контрола. Подаци требају бити комплетни, примарни, благовремени, приступачни, машински читљиви, недискриминаторни и без власничких права и лиценци. Република Србија се прикључила Партнерству за отворену управу 2012. године, а кроз четврти акциони план се фокусира на дигитализацију и већу партиципацију грађана у процесу одлучивања. Отварање података је стратешки приоритет наше државе, како сугеришу различити документи јавних политика. Циљ овог рада је да прикаже тренутну ситуацију у нашој земљи, а основна хипотеза гласи: отворени подаци у јавној управи подижу транспарентност и квалитет рада јавне управе. Отуда и кључно истраживачко питање гласи: који су домети отварања података у јавној управи у Републици Србији? У овом раду се анализира концепт отворене управе и отворених података, са фокусом на стање у нашој земљи. Анализирају се различити пројекти и истражује употреба отворених података у имплементацији концепта паметних градова. У закључним разматрањима се истиче значај отварања података у јавној управи, али такође и истичу ограничења у овом процесу са којима се сусреће наше земља, а који се пак огледају у спорој имплементацији овог концепта.The open government concept, rooted in cooperation and transparency, is crucial for modern public administration, drawing inspiration from projects by the Obama administration and the European Union. Democratic ideals, as per the Lisbon Treaty, underscore the importance of transparency, participation, and cooperation. Obama emphasizes a people-centric, technology-oriented government. The Open Government Partnership, initiated by administrative change advocates, led to a declaration promoting principles like technology for transparency, civic engagement, professional integrity, and improved information availability. Open governance relies heavily on open data, advocating for the proactive provision of public data in accessible, machine-readable formats. Enshrined in EU regulation and state legislation since 2003, open data has evolved to include machine-readable formats and formal open standards, explicit in the 2019 directive. Since joining the Open Government Partnership in 2012, Serbia has enacted five action plans, with the latest adopted in December 2023 focusing on objectives like electronic citizens’ initiatives, transparent budget spending for NGO projects, enhanced government transparency, green open data, and public services for citizens. The country established a working group for open data in 2016, launched its first national open data portal in 2017, and integrated open data into legislation through the Electronic Administration Act in 2018. Despite progress with a working group, a national open data portal, and integration into legislation, challenges persist in Serbia’s open data maturity, particularly in policy, impact, and data quality. While excelling in portal availability, data maturity lags behind the EU average. Issues emerge in specific datasets, such as outdated or inaccessible information. The good example is absence of open date in Belgrade, especially in smart city initiative. If we flow the ISO 37.120/2018 indicators, we can conclude that there is not this data in open form. One of the indicators is the number of deaths in traffic accidents per 100,000 people. To count this, we need to use open data from the Statistical Office and open but not machine-readable data from the Road Traffic Safety Agency. By crossing data, data is obtained that should be available in an open form for further use by citizens and other stakeholders. Addressing these challenges Serbia needs to prioritize continuous data openness, update existing datasets, and foster political will, learning from positive examples, engaging skilled professionals, and recommitting to open access principles
Current security challenges in the western Balkans and consequences of the war in Ukraine
The Russian invasion of Ukraine, which began at the end of February 2022, confirmed
the de facto impotence of the EU policy towards the Western Balkans. Only the reaffirmation
of the United States of America and NATO’s roles in the Western Balkans after 2017 had a
significant impact on the situation in the region, as it had for the previous three decades. The
importance of their roles was confirmed after the entry of Montenegro and North Macedonia
into NATO and the achievement of the Prespa Agreement (2018). However, there are still
essentially unresolved issues, such as the relations between Belgrade and Pristina (which are
currently accelerating primarily due to the US), the internal reconfiguration of relations in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the gradual attempt to suppress the further growth of Russian
influence in certain states of the region (it already has a strong influence in Serbia and the
BiH entity, the Republic of Srpska).
In this sense, the author emphasises that only after the additional integration of the
countries of the region with the European Union and NATO, which implies an accelerated
continuation of the EU enlargement process but also a strengthened open-door policy, can
NATO additionally ensure peace in the Western Balkans, where there are still significant
and visible consequences of post-Yugoslav wars and numerous problems, such as a lack of
the rule of law, an insufficient fight against corruption, and cross-border crime. Therefore,
the current moment, characterised and determined by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine,
should ensure the acceleration of geopolitical responses related to the admission of the
countries of the Western Balkans to the European Union and also empower the real and
pro-European capacities of existing forms of regional cooperation. The author emphasises
the necessity of accelerated integration of the remaining WB entities into NATO, which they
have already pursued
Images of (In)Security: Visualizing Borders, Migrants and Control in Serbia’s News Media
Media images of borders and their control have been one of the most dominant
frames in reporting on the migrant crisis in European media and the negative coverage of the
topic of migrants, presenting them as a threat to security and public health dominates media
narratives around the world. This paper examines the way migrants and refugees have been
portrayed on the borders of Serbia, a transit country alongside the Western Balkans migration
corridor. The mixed method analysis is based on 300 images published in relevant national and
regional print media and their online versions from 2015 until 2020. The results show that the
visual depiction of walls, wires, control, law and order, modern technological equipment, security
providers, and important political authorities have been often intensified with sensational
headlines and tabloid coverage and at the same time confronted with images framing migrants
as violent and deviant, threatening borders, people, and security
Prepoznati omiljenog neprijatelja: konzervativni populizam i sindikati u Srbiji tokom pandemije COVID-19
Predmet ovog rada je medijsko prepoznavanje sindikata kao neprijatelja naroda u okviru diskursa konzervativnog populizma, za šta se uzima primer sukoba Vlade Republike Srbije i predsednika Republike Srbije sa Sindikatom lekara i farmaceuta Srbije tokom pandemije COVID-19 u 2020. godini. U radu se polazi od pretpostavke da konzervativni populizam i sindikati imaju, svako na svom delu ideološkog spektra, mogućnosti za mobilisanje građana na kolektivnu akciju, kao načina da se utiče na javne politike Vlade. Stoga, konzervativni populizam koristi medije i druge ideološke aparate kako bi sindikate predstavio kao neprijatelje „naroda“. U radu se koristi strukturalni pristup Luja Altisera (Louis Althusser), posebno njegova teza o državnim ideološkim aparatima kao sredstvima za interpelaciju subjekata. Studija slučaja borbe populista i sindikata u Srbiji pokazuje da su, zahvaljujući medijima kao ideološkim aparatima, sindikati interpelirani kao subjekti-neprijatelji, čime je njihov potencijal za kolektivnu akciju bitno ograničen
Understanding the political by Hannah Arendt and its development and revision through philosophical concepts of Gilles Deleuze
Сажетак
У раду образујемо философски план на основу ког проблематизујемо
положај
човека
у
констелацији
глобалних
околности,
расветљавамо
егзистенцијалноонтолошку смештеност човека у свет и његов повесноонтолошки
положај полазећи од тумачења кризе у човековом стању. За те сврхе укрштамо
егзистенцијалноаналитички, феноменолошки и херменеутички метод, као и
стратегије критике идеологије и идеологема. Тим путем раскривамо механизме и
обрасце путем којих се одвија људско тотално конформирање, указујемо на
неизричити глобални метанаратив путем ког се оно подупире тако да кризни
феномен постаје неисцрпна потпора тога процеса. Истичући то да са
психологизацијом, приватизацијом, социологизацијом и идеологизацијом кризног
долази до сужавања опсега односа човек–свет, човек–језик – тумачењем повесног
и егзистенцијалноонтолошког аспекта кризног феномена код човека настојимо да
продубимо и проширимо видокруг ових односа. За сврхе тога продубљивања и
проширивања увезујемо и развијамо увиде Жила Делеза (неоргански ток живог) и
Хане Арент (принцип наталности) из новопостављеног хоризонта на основу ког
градимо
окоснице
за
раскривање
наше
смештености
у
свет
на
егзистенцијалноонтолошкој равни стварањем носећег појма – изворни догађај
самосвести. Тим путем „растављамо” човека на одређујуће моменте у његовом
бићу како бисмо их поново саставили из проширивања видокруга односа човек–
свет, човек–језик.
Из таквог преиначеног видокруга и питања о томе одакле, како ми на оно
кризно можемо да одговарамо – изричито ситуирамо повесноонтолошки положај
човека на размеђи између доба без имена и доба прелаза.In this paper we create a philosophical plane as a basis to problematise human
position in constellation of global circumstances and to shed light on its existential-
ontological placement in the world and historical-ontological position, starting from the
interpretation of crisis in human condition. For these purposes we intersect existential-
analytical, phenomenological and hermeneutical methods, as well as strategies for
critique of ideology and ideologemes. Thus we disclose mechanisms and patterns
through which total human conformation takes place and point out indistinct global
metanarrative supporting it in such way that crisis phenomenon becomes an
inexhaustible resource for this process. Emphasizing that psychologisation,
privatisation, sociologisation and ideologisation of crisis narrows the scope of the man–
world and man–language relations, we try to deepen and expand horizons of these
relations through interpretation of the historical and existential-ontological aspects of
crisis. For this purpose we merge and develop insights of Gilles Deleuze (inorganic flow
of life) and Hannah Arendt (the notion of natality) from the newly established
perspective through which we form outlines for revealing our placement in the world on
the existential-ontological level by creating foundational concept – the original
occurrence of self-awareness. In this way we “disassemble” human being to its
determining aspects in order to reassemble them by expanding the horizons of the man–
world and man–language relations.
From such modified perspective and by questioning how and whence we can
respond to this crisis, we explicitly situate the historical-ontological human position at
the boundary between the nameless age and the transitional ag