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Anxiety in the Time of Elections: Electoral Behavior Of Voters in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian War
Get PDFPredizborna kampanja uoči izbora 3. aprila 2022. godine odvijala se u specifičnim uslovima. Svega devet dana nakon što je 15. februara 2022. godine predsednik Republike Srbije, Aleksandar Vučić, raspisao prevremene parlamentarne izbore, Ruska federacija izvršila je invaziju na Ukrajinu. Rat koji je trajao je tokom čitave predizborne kampanje, kreirao je specifičan komunikacioni izazov za političke stranke. Osim toga, rat je uticao i na glasače, pobuđujući anksioznost usled eventualnog prelivanja negativnih posledica rata (bezbednosnih, ekonomskih, političkih, emotivnih) na Srbiju. U ovom radu upravo analiziramo uticaj ratom indukovane anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje glasača. Kvantitativni istraživački dizajn podrazumevao je analizu istraživanja javnog mnjenja sprovedenog neposredno nakon održanih izbora. Upitnik postizborne sondaže bio je fokusiran na proveru dve hipoteze o uticaj anksioznosti na izborno ponašanje: (1) preusmeravanje pažnje glasača sa unutarpolitičkih na spoljnopolitičke teme; (2) promenu preferencija glasača kada je u pitanju donošenje odluke za koga će glasati na izborima.The campaign for the 2022 elections in Serbia took place under specific circumstances. Just nine days after the President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić announced parliamentary elections on February 15, 2022, the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine. The war created a specific communication challenge for political parties. In addition, the war also affected the voters, causing anxiety due to the possibility of a spillover of negative consequences of the war (security, economic, political, and emotional) to Serbia. In this paper, we analyze the impact of war-induced anxiety on the electoral behavior of voters. The quantitative research design involved the analysis of a public opinion survey conducted immediately after the elections. The post-election survey questionnaire was focused on testing two hypotheses about the impact of anxiety on voting behavior: (1) redirecting voters’ attention from domestic to foreign political topics; (2) a change in voter preferences when it comes to deciding who to vote for in elections. The theoretical foundation of this paper is a cognitive approach to emotions. The descriptive and inferential findings of our study indicate that anxiety related to the Russian-Ukrainian war was a significant factor in voting behavior in the 2022 parliamentary elections in Serbia. Regardless of party affiliation,
it was empirically confirmed for the first time in the
Serbian local context that anxiety induced by crisis
situations increases voters’ interest in relevant political
information, increases the probability of changing voting
preferences, and promotes involvement in the electoral
process (turnout), as well as gathering around political
options that guarantee stability or offer protective
security policies (parties that were in power until the
election and right-wing parties). However, these effects
were not left to the spontaneity of political-psychological
processes but were also successfully instrumentalized by
the Serbian Progressive Party. Simultaneously increasing
the anxiety of the voters and offering messages of
reassurance, this party managed to divert the attention
of the voters from other relevant issues and to keep its
former voters together. The findings of this analysis
contribute to the open debates in the field of Elections
and Voting Behavior, as well as in the field of Foreign
Policy Analysis
Belgrade city assembly elections 2022 – actors, results and consequences
Get PDFIzbori za skupštinu glavnog grada 3. aprila 2022. godine su iz više razloga bili posebno zanimljivi i značajni. Prvo, to su jedini izbori na kojima je postojala bar delimična neizvesnost u pogledu
izbornih rezultata. Dok se na predsedničkim i parlamentarnim izborima očekivala ubedljiva pobeda Srpske napredne stranke (SNS), beogradski izbori su jedini gde se u toku izborne kampanje
verovalo da bi opozicija mogla da osvoji dovoljan procenat glasova da uzdrma stabilnu osmogodišnju
vladavinu SNS. Drugo, bacili su svetlo na dinamiku i podele unutar SNS. Utapanje u SNS
Srpskog patriotskog saveza (SPAS) Aleksandra Šapića koji je na prethodnim beogradskim izborima
2018. godine bio drugi po snazi, uticalo je na podele unutar vladajuće stranke, i još važnije,na promenu beogradske političke scene. Treće, predviđanja u toku izborne kampanje su potvrđena
izbornim rezultatima. Za razliku od izbora 2014. i 2018. godine kada je SNS imao preko 50% mandata i mogao samostalno da formira vlast, nakon što su 2022. godine objavljeni rezultati izbora na trenutak je delovalo da SNS ni sa svojim dugogodišnjim koalicionim partnerima ovaj put neće imati
većinu. Imajući u vidu značaj izbora i kontekst u kom se održavaju, u ovom radu se analiziraju faktori
koji utiču na proces održavanja beogradskih izbora, rezultati, proces formiranja vlasti i posledice
izbora
Public-private partnership contracts and projects and their influence on the local economy development in Serbia
Get PDFЈавно-приватно партнерство (ЈПП) је један релативно нов институт и модел финансирања у правном систему Републике Србије који је настао тек доношењем Закона о јавно-приватном партнерству и концесијама 2011. године. Основни елементи ЈПП су уговори и пројекти. Када је реч о уговорима, правна природа јавног уговора о ЈПП још увек није довољно разјашњена. Иако овај уговор има елементе управног уговора, то још увек не произлази из позитивно правних прописа у Србији. Зато у будућности треба посветити посебну пажњу усаглашавању режима овог уговора са режимом управних уговора утврђеном у Закону о општем управном поступку. С друге стране, пројекти ЈПП у Србији после десет година постају све значајнији инструмент локалног економског развоја. До данас, Комисија за ЈПП Владе Републике Србије дала је позитивно мишљење за 227 пројеката јавно-приватних партнерстава. Зашто треба осветлити правну природу јавног уговора о ЈПП и како пројекти ЈПП подстичу локални економски развој у Републици Србији – представићемо у овом радуPublic-private partnership (PPP) is a relatively new legal institute and
financing model in the legal system of Serbia, which was created only after the
adoption of the Law on PPP and Concessions in 2011. The essential elements
of PPP are contracts and projects. Regarding contracts, the legal nature of the
public contract on PPP is still not sufficiently clarified. Although this contract
has elements of an administrative contract, it still does not follow legislation in
Serbia. On the other hand, after ten years, PPP projects in Serbia are becoming
an increasingly important instrument of local economic development. Until July
2022, the Commission for PPP of the Government of the Republic of Serbia gave
a positive opinion for 227 PPP projects. We will present why the legal nature
of the public contract on PPP and how PPP projects encourage local economic
development in the Republic of Serbia
The influence of public administration reforms on the creation of social justice policies
Get PDFOd stvaranja savremene pravne države, pa do danas, javna uprava bila je i ostala složena i dinamična pojava. Kada kažemo dinamična to znači da ne postoji jedan vanvremenski pojam javne uprave, te ta dinamika uvodi javnu upravu u stalne procese reformi. One nastaju, s jedne strane, kao posledica realnog života i promena u društvu, a sa druge, promena u njenom najbližem okruženju – državi. Brojne društvene teorije utiču na posmatranje javne uprave kao složenog fenomena. U ovom radu, javna uprava je analizirana sa stanovišta teorije sistema. Posmatrajući kroz istoriju možemo uočiti četiri perioda u razvoju javne uprave kao složenog sistema, koji su odraz promenjene uloge države u društvu. U poslednjem, četvrtom periodu uočavamo tri modela reformi: New Public Management, Good/Public Governance i New Public Governance. Raniji periodi razvoja javne uprave kao i današnja dinamika imali su ozbiljne implikacije po kreiranje i proučavanje javnih, kao i politika socijalne pravde, što će biti objašnjeno u ovom radu.From the creation of the modern legal state until today, public administration
has been and remains a complex and dynamic phenomenon. When we say
dynamic, it means that there is no timeless concept of public administration,
and this dynamic introduces public administration into constant reform processes. They arise on the one hand, as a consequence of real life and changes in society, and on the other, changes in its closest environment – the state.
Numerous social theories influence the observation of public administration
as a complex phenomenon. In this paper, public administration is analyzed
from the point of view of systems theory. Looking through history, we can see
four periods in the development of public administration as a complex system,
which are a reflection of the changed role of the state in society. In the last,
fourth period, we observe three models of reforms: New Public Management,
Good/Public Governance and New Public Governance. Earlier periods of public administration development as well as today’s dynamics had serious implications for the creation and study of public and social justice policies, which
will be explained in this paper
Implementation of smart tools in Belgrade's transportation system: lessons from Copenhagen and Madrid
Get PDFBig cities confront several transportation issues, including traffic congestion, air pollution,
public transportation, and so on. The most important aspect of any smart city initiative should be
smart transportation systems. This system provides people with high-quality, environmentally
friendly transportation based on their needs. As a result, the subjects covered in this study are
diverse, including transportation models, information technology integration in transportation
reform, and the development of environmentally friendly transportation modes. The goal of this
research is to examine how digital technologies are used in the transportation systems of
Copenhagen and Madrid. The research question for the study is: can digital technology use in
transport assist Belgrade in resolving its transportation issues? At the outset of this research, we
will provide smart transportation concepts from the cities of Copenhagen and Madrid as a starting
point for smart transportation development. These cities' experiences could serve as a model for
smart transportation systems. We'll look at a variety of strategy documents and plans that outline
the current state of transportation, projected applications of ICT in transportation, and several
transportation models that focus on environmental protection and reducing the use of fossil fuels
and air pollution. This data should help Belgrade become a smart city in terms of transportation.
Belgrade has started to deploy smart mobility solutions, but there is still a lot to learn from other
cities that are forerunners in this field. We shall devise the ideal scenario for Belgrade that is best
for its people
The Role of Islam in State-Building of Central Asian States: A Case Study of Uzbekistan
Get PDFРегион Централне Азије је био номадски регион који карактерише долазак раног ислама, једног од најдинамичнијих друштвених и политичких покретача. Централна Азија је кроз векове задржала сопствену динамику и карактеристике које опстају. Кроз различита освајања, а пре свега руско царско освајање и настанак Совјетског Савеза, мењале су се спољне и унутрашње границе, политички живот, па чак и језици ових друштава. Једино је ислам у одређеној мери опстајао. Стога је предмет овог рада истраживање улоге ислама у изградњи друштава и држава Централне Азије, а нарочито након стицања независности распадом Совјетског Савеза крајем двадесетог века и такозваног оживљавања ислама у региону непосредно након независности. Власти независног Узбекистана су од стицања независности имале двострук однос према исламу. Са једне стране, државна инкорпорација религије користила је ислам као оквир за политичку акцију и легитимизацију власти режима. Са друге стране, управо се та власт, настала и расла у секуларизму СССР, бринула због могућег превеликог утицаја (неконтролисаног) ислама, водила строгу евиденцију верских група и борила се против исламистичких организација.Central Asia was a nomadic region which experienced an early arrival of Islam, one of the most dynamic social and political drivers. Throughout the centuries, Central Asia has retained its own dynamics and characteristics that persist today. Through various conquests, primarily the Russian imperial conquest and the creation of the Soviet Union, the external and internal borders, political life, and even the languages of these societies changed. Only Islam survived to a certain extent. Therefore, the subject of this paper is the research of the role of Islam in the construction newly independent states in Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the twentieth century and the so-called revival of Islam in the region immediately after independence. The authorities of independent Uzbekistan have had a dual attitude towards Islam since independence. On the one hand, the state incorporation of religion used Islam as a framework for political action and legitimization of the regime’s power. On the other hand, this very government, which arose and grew in the secularism of the USSR, worried about the possible excessive influence of (uncontrolled) Islam, kept strict records of religious groups and fought against Islamist organizations
Kинеска „спољна политика за ново доба” у условима пандемије Kовид-19
Get PDFThe COVID-19 pandemic functioned as a catalyst for the already tense relations
between the People’s Republic of China and its major Western partners. It also made
room for the global span of China’s ‘wolf-war diplomacy’ and ‘mask-diplomacy’ as two
simultaneously exposed faces of its foreign policy. This analysis focuses on China’s
foreign policy apparatus’ performance during COVID-19, and its effect on China’s
domestic and foreign economic and political agendas. Starting from the theoretical point
that China’s forceful foreign policy derives from its domestic political dynamism, the
analysis shows that such effects were modest. It claims that China’s posting will
continue to be resistant to the surroundings’ impact as long as it serves as a good tool for
fulfilling domestic stability and security goals.Пандемија Ковид-19 деловала је као катализатор за већ напете односе изме-
ђу Народне Републике Кине и њених најважнијих партнера са Запада. Истовремено, она је у глобалним размерама отворила простор за кинеску „дипломатију
вукова-ратника” и „дипломатију (заштитних) маски”, као два истовремено испољена лица њене спољне политике. Ова анализа је фокусирана на функционисање кинеског спољно-политичкoг апарата за време Ковида-19, и на то како је његов учинак повратно утицао на домаће, али и спољно-економске и политичке
планове. Полазећи од теоријског и аналитичког оквира да робусна спољна политика Кине извире из домаћег политичког динамизма, ова анализа показује да су
повратни ефекти спољних дешавања на домаће пoслове били умерени. Кинеско
спољно-политичко постављање наставиће да буде отпорно на реакције из окружења докле год успешно служи остваривању унутрашњих политичких циљева
стабилности и безбедности
Spominjanje Tanjuga: analiza reartikulacij novinarskih vlog nacionalne tiskovne agencije v socialistični Jugoslaviji
Get PDFHistorically, the role of journalism in society is bound to the prevailing conceptualization of the freedom of the press, specific societal, institutional, and material conditions of news production. This study explores self-perceptions of journalists working in the period of socialist Yugoslavia and synthetizes their recollections of journalistic orientations and performances with respect to journalism’s place in society. The study is based on the oral history interviews with former journalists, who worked also as editors and foreign correspondents from late 1950s to 1990s at the news agency Tanjug, which was considered the information backbone of the federal media system in Yugoslavia and had considerable international relevance. By combining ‘journalistic roles’ studies as well as ‘occupational life history’ research this historical study makes twofold contribution. First, it identifies adaptive strategies of remembering used by the interviewed journalists to legitimize themselves as professionals and relevant interpreters of SFRY journalism. Second, it reveals more nuances within common, often simplified understandings of journalists as collaborators with power during socialism, and highlights roles of privileged disseminator, monitoring analyst, and educator as specific manifestations of collaborative function of journalism