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Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism: The Case of Iain M. Banks’ Culture
Get PDFThe Culture series created by Scottish author Iain (M.) Banks con-sists of nine novels, one novella and a couple of short stories situated in the same fictional universe. The eponymous Culture is a space-faring (and space-dwelling) civilization, a conglomeration of several humanoid species and sentient machines, most intellectually powerful beings called The Minds. Technological advances made the Culture a post-scarcity society focused on the maximization of personal freedom. The character of its socio-political structure, however, is somewhat unclear. Based on the differences between its internal and external politics, scholars have mostly placed the Culture within the categories of Utopia and Empire. This is, as the present paper argues, a false dilemma since the Culture is simultaneously both and neither of those. The main argument is that the truly adequate label for the political complexities of the Culture civilization was coined only after the untimely death of the author himself – around 2015, when the far (or, some would say, radical) left activists on the Internet coined the phrase Fully Automated Luxury Gay Space Communism. Using both writings of Marx and Engels on the features of communism and Ollman’s systematization of these features, I will try to show that this is indeed the case
Two Decades of Serbian Media Transformation: Media Capture instead of Media Autonomy
No full textThis article examines the transformation of the Serbian media landscape over the last
two decades, by applying four analytical categories developed for identifying levels
of media capture in different national contexts (Dragomir 2019). Implementation
of diachronic document analysis provides rich descriptions of the media regulatory
capture, grip over public service broadcasters, misuse of state advertising and project based financing of media content, as well as endurance of state media ownership.
Therefore, this study identifies some of the reasons behind recent decline of media
freedoms in Serbia, adds elements for finding the right place for Serbia on the map
of Central and Eastern European post-communist media transformations, and
contributes to the growing literature aimed at understanding media capture in its
many forms and variations across the globe
The labour conditions on digital platforms – The case of Serbia
Get PDFDigitalna transformacija društva je dovela do temeljnih promena u različitim
sferama. Sa digitalizacijom dolazi do bitnih promena u radnom i poslovnom
okruženju i nastanka novih oblika rada. Talas digitalizacije nije zaobišao i naše
društvo. U ovom radu analiziramo uslove rada na digitalnim platformama sa
posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Stoga, naše istraživačko pitanje glasi: da li su
uslovi rada na digitalnim platformama u eri digitalizacije u Srbiji korak napred
na pravednom društvu i dostojanstvenom radu? U radu polazimo od pojma digitalizacije rada i traganja za dostojanstvenim radom na digitalnim platformama
u uslovima gig ekonomije. Takođe se bavimo i efektima globalnog tržišta rada
u uslovima digitalizacije na položaj digitalnih radnika u Srbiji i uslovima rada
na pojedinim digitalnim platformama koje posluju u Srbiji. Jedno od ključnih
polja našeg istraživanje je položaj frilensera i aktuelno zakonodavstvo u Srbiji,
sa akcentom na aktuelna dešavanja i rezultate istraživanja iz maja 2021. godineThe digital transformation of society has resulted in fundamental changes in
many areas. There seem to be significant changes in the work and business environment as a result of digitization, as well as the introduction of new forms
of work. The digitization wave has not passed our society. In this study, we examine the labour conditions on digital platforms with a focus on Serbia. As a
result, our research question is: are labour conditions on digital platforms in
Serbia in the era of digitization a step forward towards a just society and decent work? In this paper, we begin with the concept of the digitalization of labour and the quest for decent work on digital platforms in the context of the gig economy. We also discuss the effects of the global labour market on the
status of digital employees in Serbia, as well as the labour conditions on some
digital platforms that operate in Serbia. Our research examines the position of
freelancers in current legislation in Serbia, with a focu-s on current events and
research findings from May 2021
Novinari i protesti: profesionalne norme i stege medijske slobode
No full textOvaj rad analizira osnovna novinarska načela kroz debatu o profesionalnoj objektivnosti i
pravu novinara da u javnosti iznosi svoje stavove, za njih agituje i u ime njih protestuje. U
radu se problematizuje pozicija novinara u akcijama koje su društvene i političke, upoređujući
to građansko pravo sa normama svetskih medijskih servisa: Bi-Bi-Sija, Rojtersa, Asošijejted
presa, Dojče velea, En-Pi-Ara. Uprkos sve češćim debatama o tome da novinarima treba omogućiti više građanskih prava u smislu javnog izražavanja, postojeće norme ukazuju da odlazak novinara na proteste u svojstvu učesnika podriva načelo objektivnosti, čime ga približava
aktivističkoj pre nego profesionalnoj ulozi, stoga je po kodeksima, najčešće zabranjen.This paper analyzes fundamental journalistic principles through a debate on professional
objectivity and a journalist’s right to express their views, advocate for them, and protest
on their behalf in the public sphere. The paper examines the position of journalists in social
and political actions, comparing this civil right with the standards of global media services
such as the BBC, Reuters, Associated Press, Deutsche Welle, and NPR. Despite the increasing
discussions about granting journalists more civil rights in terms of public expression, existing
norms suggest that a journalist’s participation in protests as a participant undermines the
principle of objectivity, bringing them closer to an activist role rather than a professional one,
and is therefore mostly prohibited by ethical codes
Cyber conflict below the “threshold of war”: cyber weapons in intelligence contest
No full textOvaj rad predstavlja pregled ključnih nalaza literature međunarodnih od-
nosa koja se bavi sukobima država u sajber prostoru. Glavni zaključci su da
do sada u sajber sukobima nije pređen „prag rata”. Potom, da umesto rata
svedočimo „sivoj zoni” obaveštajnog, odnosno informacionog nadmetanja
država u sajber prostoru koje se može videti na mnoštvu sabotaža, subver-
zija i špijunaža. Na kraju, u radu su izneseni konkretni primeri iskorišćava-
nja ranjivosti aktera u sajber domenu, kao i oružja koje se koristi u te svrhe.
Takvoj vrsti oružja države su u prethodnim decenijama neretko pribegavale.
Cilj rada je da se razume manir delovanja država u sajber prostoru u odnosu
na širi kontekst međunarodnih odnosa.This paper provides an overview of key findings in the international relations literature concerning conflicts between states in cyberspace. The main conclusions drawn from this literature suggest that, thus far, the “threshold of war” has not been crossed in cyber conflicts. Instead, what we are witnessing is a “gray zone,” characterized by state intelligence contest in cyber- space, manifesting through a multitude of acts of sabotage, subversion, and espionage. Furthermore, the paper presents specific examples of vulnerabilities exploited by actors in the cyber domain and the weaponry employed for such purposes. States have frequently resorted to such forms of weaponry in the previous decades. The aim of this paper is to contextualize how states operate in cyberspace within the broader environment of international relations
The Labyrinth of the Legal Classification of Armed Conflicts in Croatia 1990 — 1995
No full textGotovo trideset godina nakon oružanih sukoba u Hrvatskoj, i dalje traju rasprave o njihovim uzrocima, pravnoj prirodi i posledicama koje imaju po današnje odnose Srbije i Hrvatske, ali i odnose u samoj Hrvatskoj između Srba i Hrvata. U ovom radu se traga za odgovorom na pitanje pravne kvalifikacije tih oružanih sukoba i može li nam ona ponuditi određene pravce za početak unapređivanja savremenih odnosa Hrvatske i Srbije. Osnovni argument je da se pravna kvalifikacija oružanih sukoba u Hrvatskoj menjala i da je od nemeđunarodnog oružanog sukoba u leto 1991. godine on kasnije evoluirao u međunarodni. Osim toga, u radu se tvrdi i da ispravno sagledavanje pravne kvalifikacije tih sukoba nudi određena polazišta za unapređenje savremenih odnosa Srbije i Hrvatske, ali i da ta pravna kvalifikacija ima inherentna ograničenja u pogledu šireg konteksta političkih odnosa tih dveju država.Almost thirty years after the armed conflicts in Croatia, there are still ongoing discussions about their causes, their legal nature and the consequences they have for today's relations between Serbia and Croatia, as well as relations between Serbs and Croats in Croatia itself. In this paper, the author is looking for an answer to the question of the legal qualification of these armed conflicts and whether it can offer us certain directions for the beginning of the improvement of modern relations between Croatia and Serbia. The basic argument of the paper is that the legal classification of armed conflicts in Croatia was changing and that from a non-international armed conflict in the summer of 1991, it later evolved into an international one. In addition, the paper claims that a correct understanding of the legal classification of these conflicts offers certain starting points for the improvement of contemporary relations between Serbia and Croatia, but also that this legal qualification has inherent limitations in terms of the broader context of political relations between these two countries
Egalitarianism and Redistributive Reform in Serbia After 2000
Get PDFWe investigate post-commu- nist redistributive policies in Serbia, focus- ing particularly on the period after 2000. Our main argument is that market funda- mentalism, which posits that the market is the most efficient solution for the post- communist transition, has failed to deliver on its promises. The expectation was that, after a temporary transitional sacrifice, the worse-off would benefit equally with the better-off by reaping the rewards of market economic reforms. The anticipated faster growth was supposed to generate more quality jobs as the most effective means to alleviate poverty. Unfortunately, growth has been sluggish, while inequalities in Ser- bia have experienced rapid and persistent growth since 2000. We look into redistribu- tive reform measures to understand the reasons behind this outcome. Our approach
combines applied political philosophy with economic policy analysis – a unique in- tersection of two social science disciplines. Firstly, our research explores the implicit and explicit normative foundations of post- communist economic reforms. Secondly, we identify and analyse a pivotal juncture of policy reform in the early 2000s. During this period, the newly-adopted neoliberal taxation and social policies were combined with class- and ethnic-based discriminato- ry approaches inherited from the pre-1990s socialist era and the post-socialist 1990s, respectively. This combination resulted in distinct, notably pro-rich redistributive patterns in Serbia
The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform
Get PDFIn this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the “sixteen” smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China’s initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the “sixteen” were attracted to China’s promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China’s growing political clout over the included countries
Comparing Journalistic Role Performance Across Thematic Beats: A 37-Country Study
No full textStudies suggest that, at the routine level, news beats function as unique “microcultures.”
Exploring this “particularist” approach in news content, we compare how
the interventionist, watchdog, loyal, service, infotainment, and civic roles materialize
across 11 thematic news beats and analyze the moderating effect of platforms,
ownership, and levels of political freedom on journalistic role performance in hard
and soft news. Based on the second wave of the Journalistic Role Performance (JRP)
project, this article reports the findings of a content analysis of 148,474 news items
from 37 countries. Our results reveal the transversality of interventionism, the
strong associations of some topics and roles, and the limited reach of news beat
particularism in the face of moderating variables