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The concept of militainment: war as media spectacle
Get PDFThe start of the 21st century marked the beginning of interactive warfare and the birth of
“militainment”, that refers to the presentation of war as an entertainment and the influx of
military discourse into the entertainment sector. As the distinctions between real and media
war become even more hazy, entertainment and spectacle play a bigger part in how conflicts
are portrayed. It is claimed that the war now invites audiences to enter the spectacle as
interactive participants through a variety of channels, from news coverage to online video
games to reality television. The article examines Stahl’s theory on „militainment” and the
logic of spectacle applied to media simulation of armed conflicts. War simulation in video
games is discussed in context of the glamorization of war, which raises numerous concerns
as emotionally engaging games have the potential to have a significant negative impact on
young people’s attitudes towards conflicts
Identity-Role Relationship in Intetrnational Relations and Foreign Policy: Ontology, Epistemology and Methodology
Get PDFCilj ovog rada je da omogući temeljan uvid u ključne teorijske rasprave u vezi sa odnosom identiteta i uloga u disciplini međunarodnih odnosa i analizi spoljne politike, s posebnim fokusom na teorijske pristupe socijalnog konstruktivizma i teorije spoljnopolitičkih uloga. Imajući u vidu odsustvo interesovanja za ovaj pristup istraživanju u regionalnoj akademskoj literaturi, sistematizujem tri dimenzije proučavanja uloga u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici: ontološku, epistemološku i metodološku. U ovom nastojanju da se prokrči put daljim istraživanjima, poseban naglasak se stavlja na uloge malih država u svetskoj politici između strukturnih imperativa i mogućnosti delatništva. Teorija uloga se sagledava u svom odnosu prema konsturktivističkoj analizi spoljne politike, pri čemu se ukazuje na osnovne pojmove teorije uloga, interpretativnu metodologiju i neke primere istraživanja diskurzivnog konstruisanja identiteta i uloga država. U zaključku se osvrćem na neka dalja pitanja i jednu istraživačku agendu identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima.The aim of this article is to enable a comprehensive insight into key theoretical debates on the relationship between identities and roles in International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), with a particular focus on
theoretical approaches of social constructivism and foreign policy role theory.
Given the lack of interest in this research approach the post-Yugoslav IR literature, I systematize ontological, epistemological and methodological dimensions of studying foreign policy and security roles of states. In this research
path-breaking effort, a special emphasis is on the role of small states in world
politics between structural imperatives and possibilities of agency. Role the-
ory is reviewed in its relationship toward constructivist FPA, whereas the key
notions of role theory, interpretive methodology and some examples of re -
search on discursive construction of state identity and roles are presented. In
the conclusion, I reflect on some further questions and a research agenda of
identity and roles in IR
Influence of Wilson’s understanding of dichotomy on the development of modern public administration
Get PDFPublic administration is a complex social phenomenon which has its own
sociological, political, legal, organizational and other features. Accordingly, the “angle” of
its observation can be quite different. Public administration is therefore studied in numerous
higher education institutions, both in the field of political science, sociology, law and
others. Woodrow Wilson, former US president and the Nobel Prize winner, is considered
the founder of the scientific approach to administration. In his scientific work from 1887,
entitled “The Study of Administration”, Wilson pointed out three “dichotomies” related to
public administration: (1) between politics and administration; (2) between political and
administrative sciences, and (3) between politicians and civil servants. Wilson thus raised a
whole series of issues that are still the subject of polemics and discussions, and his scientific
thought has become a permanent legacy and the subject of study by numerous authors in
both theoretical and practical analysis of public administration, which still has an impact
on its changes and development.Javna administracija je složen društveni fenomen, koji ima svoja sociološka, politikološka, pravna, organizaciona i druga obeležja. Samim tim, "ugao" njenog posmatranja može biti veoma različit pa se zato i proučava u brojnim visokoškolskim ustanovama, kako u domenu politikologije, sociologije, prava i dr. Vudrou Vilson, nekadašnji predsednik SAD i dobitnik Nobelove nagrade, smatra se "rodonačelnikom" naučnog pristupa administraciji. Vilson je u svom naučnom radu iz 1887. godine - "Studija o administraciji" - ukazao na tri "dihotomije" koje su povezane sa javnom upravom: (1) između politike i administracije; (2) između političkih i administrativnih nauka i (3) između političara i službenika. Vilson je tako pokrenuo čitav niz pitanja, koja su i danas predmet polemika i diskusija, a njegova naučna misao postala je trajna zaostavština i predmet proučavanja brojnih autora kako u teorijskoj tako i u praktičnoj analizi javne uprave koja i danas ima uticaj na njene promene i razvoj
Style of journalistic genres – development of media language from literature to tabloid storytelling
Get PDFU ovom radu biće reči o nastanku i razvoju stila novinarskih žanrova, kao i
njihovom istorijskom razvoju i značaju. Ovo je posebno važno za razumevanje aktuelnih tendencija u izražavanju novinara jer u korenima novinarskih
žanrova počivaju književni postupci, od kojih su se (vremenom) odvajali informativni, objektivni – faktografski žanrovi u novinarstvu. Danas je vidna
tendencija da se žanrovska linija između faktografije i beletristike zamagljuje, jer su narativni postupci posebno zanimljivi za prikazivanje na savremenoj tehnologiji i u vezi sa istorijskim trenucima o kojima se izveštava. Ako
danas u medijskim žanrovima prepoznajemo povratak književnim, narativnim metodama, to treba analizirati u kontekstu obrnutog diskurzivnog postupka i širih društvenih promena koje se očitavaju u promenama strukture
medijskih žanrova i izražavanja novinara.This paper will discuss the emergence and development of the style of journalistic genres, as well as their historical development and significance.
This is especially important for understanding the current tendencies in the
expression of journalists, because the roots of journalistic genres rest on literary procedures, from which informative, objective – factual genres in journalism separated (over time). If today in media genres we recognize a return
to literary, narrative methods, this should be analyzed in the context of the
reverse discursive procedure and broader social changes that are reflected in
the changes in the structure of media genres
Culture Wars in the United States of America and the European Union from 2014 to 2020
No full textКултурни ратови подразумевају идентитетску поделу на „Нас” и на „Њих” где свака страна свој поглед на свет посматра као једини „природан” и „нормалан”. Карактерише их недостатак базичне друштвене сагласности и висок степен поларизације при одговору једног друштва на питање „ко смо то ми”. Недостатак овакве сагласности производи кризе у државама у којима се културни ратови одвијају, што доводи до последица на нивоу међународних односа. Културни ратови који су избили у САД и ЕУ након 2014. године допринели су слабљењу снаге и репутације либералног међународног поретка. Такође, створили су прилику државама попут Русије и Кине да покушају да утичу на поларизацију унутар западних друштава како би их додатно ослабили. У дисертацији постављам неколико питања. Прво, који процеси и догађаји су довели до промене у виду наглог избијања културних ратова у САД и ЕУ 2014. године? Друго, какве последице избијање културних ратова оставља по међународне односе и како међународно друштво повратно обликује динамику културних ратова и политику изучаваног простора?
У дисертацији износим општу хипотезу да је технолошка иновација процес који је на суштински начин утицао на то да дође до промене у виду избијања културних ратова у САД и ЕУ у периоду након 2014. године. Технолошка иновација у кључној 2014. години, у којој се десила промена у виду избијања културних ратова подразумевала је: доминантну „филозофију неутралности” технолошке заједнице; специфичан систем препорука (алгоритамску моћ) који циља да максимално окупира пажњу корисника друштвених мрежа; подстицаје интернет платформама да ту пажњу окупира ради увећања профита; и специфичну архитектуру друштвених мрежа која је омогућавала виралност садржаја и афективно понашање корисника. Овакав технолошки дизајн је створио нову пост-дигиталну стварност у којој људи проводе све више времена. Нови дизајн нарушава некадашњи либерално-демократски парадокс у ком су елите вредносно и политички диктирале демократију. Користећи се материјално-семиотичком методом, у раду описујем како је комбинација идеја и технологије допринела наглом, масовном и афективном заоштравању сукоба левице и деснице у САД и ЕУ. Овај процес пратим на примерима избијања идентитетских протеста на левици и стварања алтернативне деснице 2014. године након избијања „Гејмергејт афере”. У дисертацији се служим и Енглеском школом међународних односа. Помоћу налаза ове школе, на примеру мешања Русије у културне ратове у САД 2016. године, описујем како и најмањи покушај овакве интервенције производи аутоматску реакцију САД у виду суверенизације простора из ког је и проистекла слабост. Односно, суверенизације целокупног сајбер простора помоћу које САД настоји да смањи интензитет културних ратова и хомогенизује поларизовано друштво.
Теоријски допринос дисертације огледа се у конструисању начина на који бисмо могли да посматрамо промене из перспективе међународних односа. Емпиријски допринос дисертације састоји се од: научног објашњења узрока промене у виду јављања културних ратова у САД и ЕУ од 2014. године; научне класификације и типологизације процеса и догађаја који су довели до јављања културних ратова и њихових последица по међународно друштво; и научне дескрипције културних ратова на Западу од 2014. до 2020 и повратне реакције међународног друштва.Culture wars are essentially an identity division into "Us" and "Them" in which each side holds its worldview as the only one that is "natural" and "normal". Culture wars also imply a lack of basic social consensus and high intensity of polarization in societal responses to the "who are we " question. The lack of such a consensus produces crises in countries where culture wars occur but also leads to consequences for international relations. These consequences are primarily reflected in the decreased strength and the international reputation of the previously culturally and politically confident countries. Also, they are reflected in the opportunity of their rivals to encourage further polarization and thus weaken their opponents. The culture wars that broke out in the United States of America and the European Union after 2014 contributed to the weakening and decline in the reputation of the countries that were the source of what is commonly referred to as liberal international order. They also created an opportunity for countries like Russia and China to try to augment the polarization within Western societies and weaken them even more. In this dissertation, I ask a couple of questions. First, what processes and events led to the change embodied in the sudden outbreak of culture wars in the US and the EU in 2014? Second, what consequences does that change have on international relations (that is, international society), and how does international society reshape the dynamics of culture wars and the politics of the studied area? I claim that technological innovation (and the accompanying democratization of communications) is a process that essentially influenced the change embodied in the outbreak of culture wars in the USA and the EU after 2014. Technological innovation, with the help of capitalism, changed everyday life and the direction of how the dominant narratives in public spaces are being shaped. Unlike the pre-2014 period, it is now the masses that dictate trends, desirable and undesirable behavior, and the content of ideologies to the elites. The technological innovation that spurred the culture wars in 2014 consists of: the dominant "philosophy of neutrality" of the technological community; a specific system of recommendations (algorithmic power) that aims to preoccupy the attention of social networks users; incentives for internet platforms to occupy that attention in order to accumulate profits; and the specific architecture of social networks that enabled the virality of content and the affective behavior of its users. In general, this kind of technological design has created a new post-digital reality in which people spend ever more time. Such a design has crumbled the former liberal-democratic paradox in which elites dictated democracy in terms of values and politics. Using the material-semiotic method, I describe how the combination of ideas and technology contributed to the sudden deepening of the conflict between left and right in the USA and the EU. To make this point, I utilize the examples of the sudden appearance of identity protests on the left and the creation of the alt-right in 2014 after the "Gamergate affair". I also employ the English School of international relations in the dissertation. With its findings, and with the example of Russia's attempt to interfere in the culture wars in the USA in 2016, I demonstrate how even the slightest attempt at such interference produced an automatic reaction from the USA. The reaction entails the sovereignization of space from which the weakness arose in the first place. In other words, the USA attempted to increase its sovereignty over cyberspace in order to reduce the intensity of culture wars and homogenize the already highly polarized society. I claim there is an autonomous influence of international relations on domestic realities. Also, I emphasize how the example of Russian meddling, and the USA's accompanying response, advance our understanding of the international relations discipline. The meddling, and the response, only prove that international society is a subject of study of international relations independent of other social disciplines, such as history, sociology, linguistics, etc. I also discuss the future of cyberspace and claim we are only at the beginning of the construction of "cyber Westphalia". The example of how we could observe changes from an international relations perspective presents the theoretical contribution of the dissertation. The empirical contribution is comprised of: a scientific explanation of the causes of change in the form of culture wars in the USA and the EU since 2014; scientific classification and typology of processes and events that led to the appearance of culture wars and their consequences for international society; and scientific descriptions of the culture wars in the West from 2014 to 2020 and the backlash from international society
Достојанствен рад на локалним дигиталним платформама у Србији
Get PDFДигитализација рада и дигитална економија су довели до значајних промена у свету рада. Данас можемо говорити о настанку и развоју нових облика рада који су под директним утицајем дигитализације. Дигитализација рада је довела до настанка дигиталног тржишта рада кога одликује флексибилност радног односа и права радника. Ова појава није заобишла ни Републику Србију која се под утицајем дигитализације срела са нестандардним облицима рада. Један од таквих облика рада је рад на локалним дигиталним платформама. Предмет истраживања су права радника на локалним дигиталним платформама у Србији. Отуда и основно истраживачко питање које гласи: да ли се рад на локалним дигиталним платформама у Србији може подвести под категорију достојанственог рада? У раду се користе све основне научне методе, док се од општенаучних употребљавају статистичка и компаративна метода, док се за објашњавање тржишта рада користе правне и економске теорије. Индекс достојанственог рада се објашњава на основу различитих индикатора. Циљ истраживања је проналажење узрочно-последичне везе између рада на дигиталним платформама и принципа достојанственог рада. Рад почиње са анализом настанка и развоја дигиталне економије и дигиталног тржишта рада које се повезује са новим облицима рада. Даље се представљају критеријуми достојанственог рада и приступа објашњавању развоја дигиталне економије и дигиталног тржишта рада у Србији са посебним фокусом на локалне дигиталне платформе за доставу хране, чишћење и превоз. У закључним разматрањима се на основу различитих истраживања показује да се рад на локалним дигиталним платформама не може сматрати достојанственим радом.In this study, we examine the concept of decent work on local digital platforms in Serbia. So, this article focuses on the research topic of whether labour done on local digital platforms may be classified as "decent work." Labour digitization and the digital economy are novel phenomena that need in-depth examination. We begin with the concept of the digital economy as a basis for the development and expansion of digital labour. This new economy is characterised by knowledge and the use of various smart tools, as well as the crossing of national borders, and so on. Nowadays, we may talk about the gig economy, which is defined by short-term employment on online platforms or labour via mobile applications. These developments resulted in the establishment and growth of a worldwide digital labour market marked by non-standard forms of employment, insecure labour agreements, and the involvement of third-party intermediaries between employees and clients. There are considerable efforts to alter employment legislation throughout Europe. Co-regulation, which involves several players in the decision-making process, is one possible option. The Directive on Improving Working Conditions in Platform Work, which is now in the process of adoption, is perhaps the most important document at the EU level. It is worth mentioning the practices of the European Union's Court of Justice, national courts in Spain, the Netherlands, Italy, and Germany, as well as national regulations in both Italy and France that establish the right to disconnect. We must also acknowledge the work of international and national trade union federations, such as the European Trade Union Confederation. So, the most pressing issue in this study is finding decent work in the digital labour market. A decent work index comprises many indicators. With statistical and legal indicators, the International Labour Organisation discusses 10 core aspects of decent work. According to an early study, there is no decent work on digital platforms due to bogus self-employment, which occurs when certain entrepreneurs work for only one company. The reasons for this phenomenon are reduced expenses and employers' lack of accountability. This is also an aspect of digital labour in Serbia. To assess the gig economy in Serbia, we use the online labour index and the * [email protected]. ONLINE FIRST gigmeter. According to the online labour index, Serbia is among the top 15 nations in the world in terms of the number of digital employees, accounting for 1.4% of the global total. Software development is the most frequent occupation. According to the gigmeter, the most frequent employment is creative and multimedia. The most crucial duty is to figure out how many digital employees there are in Serbia. According to the most conservative estimate, Serbia has almost 90,000 digital employees. Almost two-thirds of digital employees in Serbia are in hidden employment. Now we can talk about doing decent work on digital platforms in Serbia. To assess decent work, we apply the Fair Work Principles. Fair pay, fair conditions, fair contracts, fair management, and fair representation re among these principles. Every platform can be scored with a basic and an extra point, for a total of 10 points. The study incorporates five platforms: Uradi-zaradi, Glovo, Wolt, Car: Go, and Mr.D. According to the Fairwork rating, Uradi-zaradi and Wolt met the most requirements but received just a passing grade. The Public Policy Centre performed extensive research on decent work to find that it does not exist on digital platforms. The most essential motivation for digital labour is a high wage, which comes at the price of a long working week. This study determined that neither platform satisfies the passing standard and makes some recommendations for improving working conditions on local platforms. First, the practice of bogus self-employment must be stopped. Second, labour legislation must be revised. Third, the right to collective bargaining must be extended to digital workers. This can be done by a strong trade union movement that can find a way to safeguard digital employees without jeopardising traditional workers' rights
The idea of mobility as service as a mode of transport reform in smart cities – the case study of Belgrade
Get PDFBig cities face numerous problems that can only be solved by implementing
local policies that involve the use of smart management tools. This paper
emphasises the human dimension in city management and planning,
implying the evolution of the concept of smart cities. Smart cities involve
ICT in the administration of diverse sectors. The development of smart
transportation is one of the key components of smart cities. The concept
of smart transportation is examined in this paper through the concept of
mobility as a service, which entails the combination of two or more different
modes of transportation and mobility as a service. Therefore, the research
question is: Can we solve the accumulated problems in the transportation of
Belgrade residents by combining two or more types of transportation through
the concept of mobility as a service? The study describes the situation in
comparison to the practises of cities such as Helsinki, Vienna, and Ljubljana.
The paper provides insight on best practises in the development of this idea
in Helsinki, Vienna, and Ljubljana. These cities can serve as a model for the
reform of Belgrade’s transportation system, which is based on mobility as a
service and citizen participation in the development of local policy.Veliki gradovi se suočavaju sa brojnim problemima koje je moguće rešiti je-
dino implementacijom lokalnih politika koje podrazumevaju upotrebu pa-
metnih alata u upravljanju. Ovaj rad naglašava ljudsku dimenziju u upra-
vljanju i planiranju gradova, koji podrazumeva razvijanje koncepta pametnih
gradova. Pametni gradovi uključuju informaciono-komunikacione tehno-
logije u upravljanje različitim oblastima. Jedna od ključnih komponenti pa-
metnih gradova je razvoj pametnog prevoza. Koncept pametnog prevoza u
ovom radu analizira se sa aspekta mobilnosti kao usluge koja podrazumeva
kombinaciju dva ili više različitih oblika prevoza. Stoga, istraživačko pita-
nje glasi: da li kombinacijom dve ili više vrsta prevoza kroz koncept mobil-
nosti kao usluge možemo rešiti nagomilane probleme u prevozu stanovnika
Beograda? Rad pruža uvid u dobre prakse u razvoju ovog koncepta u gradovi-
ma Helsinkiju, Beču i Ljubljani. Ovi gradovi mogu da posluže kao dobar pri-
mer za reformu sistema prevoza u Beogradu, koja je zasnovana na mobilnosti
kao usluzi i uključivanju građana u kreiranje lokalnih politika
Social Media Users’ Concerns Regarding Algorithmic News Personalisation
Get PDFU fokusu ovog rada je pitanje da li među korisnicima društvenih mreža postoji zabrinutost zbog algoritamske personalizacije vesti i sa kojim faktorima je ona povezana. Polazeći od koncepata eho-soba i filterskih mehurova, koji su u velikoj meri oblikovali debatu o ovoj temi, u radu se proučavaju tri dimenzije zabrinutosti – zabrinutosti zbog propuštanja informacije, zbog izostanka različitog stanovišta i ugrožavanja privatnosti. Onlajn anketa sprovedena među korisnicima društvenih mreža koji putem tog kanala prate vesti (N=1481) pokazuje da je zabrinutost prisutna, ali i da više od trećine ispitanika nema stav. Takođe, zabrinutost zbog algoritamske personalizacije vesti povezana je sa osnovnim razumevanjem tog procesa, važnošću društvenih mreža u procesu informisanja i, u vrlo malom stepenu, sa negativnim stavom prema kriterijumu selekcije na kom personalizacija počiva. Nalazi doprinose razumevanju korisničkog stava prema personalizovanoj selekciji vesti što je posebno važno kada se ima na umu da je udeo publike koji se informiše putem društvenih mreža u porastu, kao i da u okruženju u kom publika ne prati vesti kao celovit i zaokružen program već kao fragmentirane jedinice, tačno i sveobuhvatno informisanje postaje odgovornost pojedinca.The paper asks if social media users are concerned regarding algorithmic news personalisation and how their concerns connect with other factors. We took the influential concepts of echo chambers and filter bubbles as a starting point to explore three dimensions of concern about news personalisation: missing important information, missing opposite opinions and jeopardising privacy because of personalised news. The survey among social media news users (N=1481) shows that concern exists, but more than a third of users do not have an evident attitude regarding news personalisation. Additionally, the concern is connected with knowledge about the algorithmic selection process, the importance of social networks in users’ media repertoire and, to a small extent, negative attitude towards the selection principle. The findings contribute to our understanding of users’ perspectives on news personalisation which is particulary relevant considering the increasing use of personalised news and the fact that it is individual citizens’ responsibility to be accurately and comprehensively informed in a media environment where the news content is fragmented
Evropski put: analiza diskursa evropskih integracija u medijima u Srbiji
No full textBy drawing upon existing research and data, this paper aims to provide a more
comprehensive insight into how official politics in Serbia shape narratives surrounding European integration in the media. The main focus of this study is to
identify and analyze the dominant discourses within the most influential media, thereby assessing the current status of the European idea. Media treatment
of Serbia’s EU integration process reflects the attitudes of political elite. While the ruling coalition consistently asserts that Serbia’s strategic goal is EU member-
ship, it pursues policies that pull the society away from fundamental European
norms and values, and most influential media follow such contradictory path,
resulting in inconsistent and ambivalent narratives. This prevalence of ambiguity has led to the emergence of a discernible anti-European sentiment, which has
been particularly pronounced in the midst of recent global crises, most notably
the COVID-19 pandemic and the conflict in Ukraine. In addition, existing narratives about European integration reflect polarization in Serbian society and in the
media. The effect of media capture on citizens’ views on accession is noteworthy
as their views are pimarily shaped by the type of media they consume – either
pro-government or critical media. It is concluded that the release of captured media would give rise to a new narratives concerning Serbia’s European integrationOslanjajući se na postojeća istraživanja i podatke, ovaj rad ima za cilj da pruži sveobuhvatniji uvid u to kako zvanična politika u Srbiji oblikuje narative o
evropskim integracijama u medijima. Glavni fokus ove studije je da se identifikuju i analiziraju dominantni diskursi unutar najuticajnijih medija, kako bi
se procenio trenutan status evropske ideje. Medijski tretman procesa evropskih integracija Srbije odražava stavove političke elite. Dok vladajuća koalicija
dosledno tvrdi da je strateški cilj Srbije članstvo u EU, ona vodi politiku koja
odvlači društvo od osnovnih evropskih normi i vrednosti, a većina uticajnih
medija sledi takav kontradiktorni put, što rezultira nedoslednim i ambivalentnim narativima. Ova rasprostranjenost dvosmislenosti narativa dovela je i do
pojave uočljivog antievropskog raspoloženja, koje je posebno bilo izraženo u
vreme nedavnih globalnih kriza, pre svega pandemije COVID-19 i sukoba u
Ukrajini. Pored toga, postojeći narativi o evropskim integracijama odražavaju
polarizaciju srpskog društva i medija. Uticaj zarobljavanja medija na stavove
građana o pristupanju Evropskoj uniji jeste očigledan, jer se građani opredeljuju
u odnosu na to da li se informišu posredstvom provladinih ili kritičkih medija.
Zaključuje se da će oslobađanje zarobljenih medija dovesti do novih narativa
o evropskim integracijama Srbije