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Blatant, not Latent: Patronage in Top-Level Appointments in Serbia
Get PDFThis paper examines the model of party patronage in Serbia and its impact on the professionalisation of public administration. Drawing on case studies of the appointment and subsequent performance of heads of three prominent public organisations – the National Bank of Serbia, the Anti-Corruption Agency, and the Electro Industry of Serbia – we demonstrate that, despite efforts to implement the Weberian principle of “neutral competence”, which involves the prevalence of meritocracy over partisan affiliation, patronage in Serbia has not only persisted but has become more overt and invasive. The given model of patronage involves the pursuit of multiple functions of partisan patronage – resource extraction, partisan campaigning (including through clientelism), and policy control. We suggest that this model results in the appointment of unqualified individuals to top positions, leading to poor governance and low efficiency of public institutions. The findings point to a “reform reversal” scenario, which departs from the trajectory of mild progress or stagnation usually observed in other cases across post-communist Europe that follow the adoption of Weberian standards. As a conceptual contribution, the paper develops a typology, centered around the question of perniciousness of various patronage models, that captures patronage models and trajectories of anti-patronage developments in a more nuanced manner than the existing frameworks that compare patronage patterns
Competitive Authoritarianism and Populism in Serbia Under Vučić in Political Cartoons
No full textWe explored links between competitive authoritarianism and populism in Serbia under Vučić via mixed
methods. We conducted a quantitative content analysis of 228 political cartoons (2013–2017) by Dušan
Petričić, a leading cartoonist and government critic, and qualitative visual and contextual analysis of
four cartoons that reflected key themes—media freedom violations, unfair political competition, and
populist and abusive rule. We found that populism appeared as the ‘soft’ face of competitive
authoritarianism, tolerable to domestic audiences and acceptable to influential international actors
because of its reliance on more informal and sophisticated and less repressive forms of authoritarian
manipulation
Presidential elections in the USA 2016: Social divisions and campaign strategies of two presidential candidates
Get PDFPredmet istraživanja ovog rada jesu društvene podele u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama u
kontekstu predsedničkih izbora 2016. godine, ali i izborne strategije glavnih predsedničkih
kandidata Republikanske i Demokratske stranke Donalda Trampa i Hilari Klinton. Dakle, pored istraživanja javnog mnjenja u razmatranje ćemo uzeti i govore sa stranačkih konvencija,
tri predsedničke debate i programske platforme stranaka kako bismo ispitali jesu li i u kojoj
meri kandidati odgovorili na preferencije birača. Najpre će biti reči o socijalnim rascepima u
političkoj nauci počevši od „hipoteze zamrzavanja”, preko „tihe revolucije” do populističkog
i „autoritarnog odgovora”. Zatim ćemo sve to staviti u kontekst izbora 2016. godine, identifikovati teme koje dele američko društvo i pogledati kako su te teme komunicirali i koje pozicije su zauzeli glavni predsednički kandidati. Glavni argument ovog rada je da je primetan
trend rasta partijske polarizacije u SAD, da je uspeh Donalda Trampa rezultat dugotrajnih
promena u američkom društvu, te da su zahvaljujući sučeljavanju predsedničkih kandidata,
koji su zauzeli različite političke pozicije o temama koje dele američke birače, ovi izbori bili indikativan primer populističkog i autoritarnog odgovora na društveno-političke promene i
smenu generacija, kao i dobra studija slučaja za uvid u rascepe u američkom društvu.This paper aims to research social divisions in the United States of America in the context
of the 2016 presidential elections, as well as the campaign strategies of the main presidential candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton.
Therefore, in addition to public opinion research, we will also consider speeches from party conventions, three presidential debates and party program platforms in order to examine whether and to what extent the candidates responded to voters preferences. First, we
will talk about social cleavages in political science, starting with the “freezing hypothesis”,
through “silent revolution” to authoritarian populism and “cultural backlash”. We will then
put all of this in the context of the 2016 US elections, to identify issues that divide American
society and look at how these issues were communicated and what positions the presidential
candidates took. The main conclusion is that there is a noticeable trend of growing party
polarization in the USA, that Donald Trump’s success is the result of long-term changes in
American society, and that thanks to the confrontation of presidential candidates, who took
different political positions on issues that divide American voters, these elections were an indicative example of a populist and authoritarian response to socio-political changes and
generational changes, as well as a good case study for insight into the cleavages in American
society
Protection System of Persons in Migration during the State of Emergency due to Covid-19 in Serbia
Get PDFKao rezultat pandemije COVID-19, profesionalci koji rade u sistemu socijalne zaštite suočavali su se sa višestrukim izazovima – zbog zdravstvene krize bili su zabrinuti, ne samo za živote svojih korisnika, već i za svoju porodicu, prijatelje, ali i za sopstveni život. U cilju analize i razumevanja promena koje je epidemija COVID-19 donela u sistemu socijalne zaštite osoba u migracijama u Srbiji, sprovedeno je kvalitativno istraživanje sa profesionalcima u sistemu. Sprovedene su fokus grupe sa 13 profesionalaca i sedam intervjua sa ključnim informatorima. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da je pandemija COVID-19 osvetlila nedostatak kapaciteta prilagođavanja u sistemu zaštite i nespremnost za kriznu situaciju – počev od izazova u obezbeđivanju opreme za zdravstvenu zaštitu dosledno i podjednako do nedostatka stručnog nadzora.As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, professionals working in the social
protection system are confronted with multiple challenges – due to the health crisis, they are worried not only for the lives of their beneficiaries but
for their own families, friends, including their own lives. In order to analyze
and understand the changes that the COVID-19 pandemic brought to the social protection system of persons in migration in Serbia, qualitative research
with professionals in the system has been conducted. Focus groups with 13
professionals and 7 interviews with key informants were conducted. Results
have shown that the COVID-19 pandemic had lightened up the lack of adapting capacities in the social protection system and unpreparedness for situations of crisis – starting from challenges of consistent and equal provision of
health protection equipment to lack of competent supervision
Konflikt jako czynnik różnicujący tworzenie się kapitału społecznego wśród młodych w Serbii i Polsce
Get PDFThis paper analyses how conflict impacts social capital. The existing
literature suggests that the social capital of a society which has experienced
conflict or military operations will not be shaped in the same way
as the social capital in an area where there were no such actions. Yet, there
is disagreement on what the specific effects of a conflict are. This paper
seeks to address this puzzle by comparing levels of social capital in Serbia
and Poland. The research presented in this paper was conducted among two
groups; the first, a group of respondents including young Serbs (18-24 years
old) who, during the 1990s, survived hostilities on the territory of their country
or grew up surrounded by people who were participating in military actions.
The second group includes young Poles (aged 18-24), who as children, grew
up in a society, which from 1995-2002 did not experience either conflict or
military action. Significant research results include the following: in a society
in which no conflict has occurred in the past, there is a higher level of social
and political participation; the formation of bridging communities, trust
in social actors from outside the immediate family, trust in institutions, and
a greater sense of security in the neighbourhood
National Regulatory Authorities and Importance of their Independence for the Establishment of Functional Electricity and Natural Gas Markets
Get PDFОбавеза успостављања националних регулаторних тела у државама чланицама Европске уније (ЕУ) дефинисана је још одредбама тзв. Другог енергетског пакета. У пракси, највећи број држава чланица ЕУ је успоставио регулаторна тела и пре формалне обавезе дефинисане од стране европског законодавца. Овим пакетом је предвиђена независност регулаторних тела у односу на гасну индустрију и индустрију електричне енергије, односно компанија активних на енергетском тржишту. Накнадним изменама у виду Трећег енергетског пакета, али и последњим изменама прописа у сектору електричне енергије, предвиђена је независност регулаторних тела не само у односу на енергетске субјекте, већ и у односу на све друге приватне и јавне субјекте. Како би се остварила независност у раду регулаторних тела, државе чланице су у обавези да им обезбеде минимум овлашћења прописаних директивама за сектор електричне енергије и природног гаса. Узимајући у обзир традиционалну присутност државе у сектору енергетике, али и значај овог сектора, може се претпоставити да остваривање независности
регулатора није једноставан задатак. Ово потврђује
и одлука Суда правде из 2021. године у предмету
Европска комисија против Немачке (C-718/18), којом
је потврђен значај независности регулаторних тела,
нарочито у односу на извршну власт у државама
чланицама. Циљ рада јесте да укаже на значај
независности у раду и одлучивању регулаторних
тела, укључујући обезбеђивање минимума овлашћења
додељених енергетским регулаторима на основу
прописа ЕУ, што је неопходно како би се успоставило
функционално тржиште у секторима електричне
енергије и природног гаса.The requirement to establish a national regulatory body
(NRA) in the member states of the European Union
(EU) was introduced through the provisions of the
so-called Second energy package. In fact, the largest
number of EU member states had already established
regulatory bodies even before the European legislator
introduced this requirement. This package envisages
the independence of regulatory bodies in relation to
the gas and electricity industry, i.e., companies active
in the energy market. The subsequent adoption of the
Third Energy Package, as well as the latest legislative
action in the electricity sector, further strengthened the
independence of regulatory bodies not only in relation
to energy entities but also in relation to all private and
public actors. In order to ensure the independence of
regulatory bodies, member states are obliged to provide
them with the minimum powers contained in directives
for the electricity and natural gas markets. Taking
into account the traditional presence of states in the
energy sector, as well as the importance of this sector,
it can be assumed that achieving the independence of the regulator is not a simple task. This was confirmed
by the decision of the Court of Justice in 2021, in a
case that the European Commission brought against
Germany (C-718/18), which confirmed the importance
of the independence of regulatory bodies, especially
in relation to executive power in the member states.
The aim of the paper is to point out the importance of
the requirements for independent regulatory bodies,
including the minimum powers prescribed by EU law,
which is a precondition for establishing a functional
energy market
Rhetorical characteristics of Vladimir Putin’s speeches at the announcement of military operations in Ukraine
Get PDFУ представљеном раду биће анализирана два говора од историјског
значаја за међународне односе и говорништво 21. века. Реч је о говору председника
Руске Федерације Владимира Путина, објављеног 21. фебруара 2022, који се сматра
најзначајнијим званичним саопштењем Русије о дешавањима у Украјини, као и говор
који је његов логички, смислени и контекстуални наставак 24. фебруара 2022. Та два
говора, емитована на више канала и медија, трају сат и пола сата и садрже мноштво
материјалних чињеница изложених посебним реторичким поступцима, најчешће
реторичким примерима неспоразума. Дата је и перспектива руске стране каква није
могла да буде виђена у прозападним медијима. Њоме се поставља еуфемистичка
реинтерпретација дешавања која су у страним медијима еристички представљена
као инвазија, агресија, ратни сукоб и напад.The paper will analyze two speeches of historical importance for interna-
tional relations and oratory of the 21st century. The first one is the speech of the President
of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, of 21 February 2022, which is considered the
most significant official announcement of Russia about the events in Ukraine, and the
second one is the speech of 24 February 2022 as its logical, meaningful and contextual
continuation. Those two speeches, broadcast on multiple channels and media, last for an
hour and a half and contain a multitude of material facts exposed through special rhetorical
procedures, most often rhetorical examples of misunderstandings. The perspective of the
Russian side which could not be seen in the pro-Western media is also given here. It sets
up a euphemistic reinterpretation of the events eristically presented in the foreign media
as an invasion, an aggression, a war conflict and an attack
