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The challenges of normalizing relations between Belgrade and Pristina: implications of the “agreement on the path to normalization“
No full textThe article analyzes the process of normalizing relations between Belgrade and Pristina after adopting the Agreement on the Path to
Normalization. The analytical framework of neorealism was used to explain that the normalization process was accelerated due to the war crisis in
Eastern Europe. The international legal aspects of the agreement were scrutinized, based on the method of content analysis and comparative
studies, to argue that the agreement is a legally binding treaty between two sides that respect each other’s international legal personality. The
authors concluded that the European Union and the United States attempted to create new momentum in the decade-long and rather unsuccessful
process by adopting the Agreement and the Annex on implementation. Thus, these documents were put in the context of relations between
Belgrade and Pristina and broader European and regional levels of complex relations. In addition, the analysis concluded that the documents serve
as new impulses in normalization as a continuous legal formalization of relations between the two sides based on international legal rules
A Cross-regional Approach to Energy Justice
No full textThe aim of this paper is to identify how can cross-regional approach can help to implement
energy justice policies. Although justice is a universal value, different countries and societies
are facing different forms of injustice, including energy injustice. The main advantage of a
cross-regional approach to energy justice is in knowledge and experience sharing which can
help to (re)formulate adequate policies regarding the just transition process. Some
countries and regions are better performing in this process of just transition, offering
valuable experience to others. Even failures of certain policies and lack of results could
provide important guidelines and feedback for more efficient decision-making. Regions
across the world differ in terms of geography, climate conditions, population density,
economic development, connectivity, availability and utilisation of natural resources. These
differences are not obstacles toward a common goal of energy justice, although regions and
communities could choose different paths to achieve it. Instead of a “one-size-fits-all”
approach, the plurality of means and policies are available to communities in just transition.
Regions with the same conditions and obstacles are likely to take similar steps toward
establishing a just society, while at the same time learning from countries with different
experiences and implementing the best practices. Just transition is not a straightforward
process but instead a continuous learning quest with inevitable mistakes and correction on
a long path. A cross-regional approach to energy justice should ensure that the same goal is
achieved while diversity among communities and countries is preserved
Selling Peace: How to Frame a Serbia/Kosovo Deal in a Referendum
No full textAre referendum campaigns involving issues about sovereignty more likely to succeed if framed in a positive rather than a negative way? We ran a survey on a hypothetical referendum on a peace agreement between Serbia and Kosovo to answer this question, and we experimentally simulated both positive and negative frames. We found that the positive campaign frame, i.e. one that contains an invitation to support a lasting peace in the Balkans, economic prosperity, Serbia’s path to EU integration, and the protection of the Serbian population and cultural heritage in Kosovo, is more appealing than the negative one, which focuses on avoiding the risk of failure. Our finding contradicts previous works that relied on the prospect theory to argue that negatively framed messages can attract more attention because people try to avoid adverse outcomes. To explain our findings, we argue that positive referendum campaigns are more effective than negative ones when the reference point is low due to attributive framing
Teksty opiniotwórcze w mediach społecznościowych: Propozycja metodologii analizy języka wartościującego
No full textThe paper reports on a pilot study devoted to the analysis of opinions
expressed by Facebook discussants related to the immigration crisis
in Europe. Opinions were conceptualised as the subjective expression
of evaluation. The data were investigated in line with an original, tripartite typology consisting of 46 criteria of evaluative language coming
from distinct scholarly traditions: media studies, linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis. Generally speaking, the proposed templates
proved effective when mapped onto social media data; however, as
there is a partial overlap of some of the categories used in the pilot
study, the number of categories needs to be reduced in the subsequent
investigation. The secondary objective of this paper is to present computational tools employed in the study, which, as the study shows, can enrich research methodology in communication studies, and
these comprise the “R” package used for data visualisation and lexical
and sentence-based embeddings based on LLM.Niniejszy artykuł stanowi raport z badania pilotażowego poświęconego
analizie opinii wyrażanych przez dyskutantów na Facebooku na temat
kryzysu imigracyjnego w Europie. Opinie rozumiane są w tym badaniu
jako subiektywne wyrażanie oceny. Dane zostały przeanalizowane według zaproponowanej trójczłonowej typologii składającą się z 46 kryteriów języka oceniającego. Kryteria te pochodzą z różnych tradycji naukowych: medioznawstwa, językoznawstwa i krytycznej analizy dyskursu. Zaproponowane szablony okazały się skuteczne w odniesieniu
do danych z mediów społecznościowych; jednakże, ze względu na częściowe nakładanie się niektórych kategorii użytych w badaniu pilotażowym, w dalszych badaniach liczba kategorii musi zostać zmniejszona. Drugim celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie narzędzi komputerowych użytych w niniejszej analizie. Jak wskazuje zaprezentowana analiza narzędzia te mogą wzbogacić metodologię badań w dziedzinie komunikacji. Zastosowane narzędzia to pakiet „R” używany do
wizualizacji danych, biblioteki Python oraz osadzenia (embeddings)
leksykalne i zdaniowe oparte na LLM
Medijski pejzaž Srbije
No full textMedijski pejzaž u Srbiji je odraz složene društveno-političke
istorije zemlje koju su obeležili turbulentni periodi demokratske
tranzicije, sukoba i reformi. Od demokratskih promena
2000. naovamo, medijsko okruženje u Srbiji je doživelo znatne
izmene u poređenju s devedesetim godinama 20. veka. U
Srbiji su registrovane približno dve i po hiljade medija: štampa,
radio, televizija i onlajn platforme. Televizija je i dalje dominantan
izvor informisanja, s javnim i komercijalnim emiterima
koji nude vesti i zabavni sadržaj. Međutim, medijski
sistem Srbije je pretrpan, siromašan i neodrživ, s niskim stepenom
nezavisnosti i slobode te izuzetno lošim stanjem profesionalnog
novinarstva. Ozbiljni politički pritisci, marginalizacija
kvalitetnog i istraživačkog novinarstva, politička
instrumentalizacija medija, kontrolisano tržište reklama, brojni
sudski postupci protiv novinara i opšta ekonomska nesigurnost
medija glavni su pokazatelji urušavanja slobode medija
i kvaliteta demokratije u Srbiji, uz odustvo vladavine
prava, raširen klijentelizam i korupciju. Glavni problemi medijske
scene u Srbiji su:
• veliki pad na svetskim indeksima slobode medija u poslednjih
deset godina, prebacivanje iz grupe
„problematičnih“ zemalja u kategoriju „teškog stanja“ u
pogledu profesionalnog novinarstva, slobode medija i
bezbednosti novinara
• visoka medijska polarizacija, nekvalitetno i pristrasno izveštavanje
okrenuto političkim elitama, a ne potrebama
građana i javnom interesu
• rašireni politički i ekonomski pritisci na medije usled velike
koncentracije medijskog vlasništva, vlasnički uticaj,
državno oglašavanje u medijima, autocenzura te javni
napadi političkih zvaničnika i visokih funkcionera vlasti
na pojedine novinare i medije
• dominacija političkih aktera vlasti i predsednika Aleksandra
Vučića u ukupnom vremenu informativnog programa
na nacionalnim televizijama u Srbiji
• nedovoljna nezavisnost Regulatornog tela za elektronske
medije, netransparentnost institucije i neobjavljivanje
ključnih izveštaja od interesa za javnost
• uticaj države na pojedine odredbe u proceduri donošenja
novih medijskih zakona, pokušaj slabljenja uloge samoregulatornog
tela Saveta za štampu, kao i zakonsko
omogućavanje državnoj kompaniji Telekom Srbija da
poseduje medije bez garancije uređivačke nezavisnosti
• ugrožena bezbednost novinara, sve više zabeleženih
fizičkih i digitalnih napada i pretnji te nedostatak funkcionalnih
mehanizama zaštite
• instrumentalizacija lokalnih medija u propagadne svrhe,
kontrola lokalnog medijskog tržišta, zatim loša ekonomska
i finansijska situacija lokalnih medija koja
omogućava korupciju
• zaostajanje za svetskim trendovima digitalne transformacije
novinarstva i medija, kao i nepotpune i
nesistematične promene u redakcijama tokom
prilagođavanja digitalnom dobu
• manipulisanje informacijama, rašireno dezinformisanje i
lažne vesti u najčitanijim tabloidima povezanim s
režimom, koji istovremeno dobijaju najviše novca iz
budžeta na konkursima za sufinasiranje medijskog
sadržaja
European Union’s Practice Turn in “Green” Policies in the Western Balkans Accession Negotiations
No full textThe European Union’s (EU) diplomatic practice stands out as a unique and distinct approach, setting it apart from other diplomatic practices. Putting the European Green Deal at the center of the whole-of-government approach and steering the EU into accelerating the implementation of Agenda 2030 makes this distinction even more realistic. This paper aims to delve into its core aspect, particularly its role in elevating “green” policies to the forefront of the accession negotiations with the Western Balkans (WB). This research, utilizing the theory of practice approach, describes the recent “turn” in EU policies and investigates if the EU is a true and innovative leader on this topic in the Western Balkans (WB). In this context, the first concern is whether the WB truly acknowledges the EU as a crucial leader to follow in transforming green policies. The second concern is whether the EU is guiding and directing the WB through the accession negotiations to become sustainable and greener, intending to achieve a shared goal. Based on the research evidence, the paper situates the EU strategically in the regional landscape by scrutinizing the tangible aspects of its leadership through the lens of the modes of leadership theory. As a result, this paper elucidates how and why the EU is diplomatically leading the green transformation through WB accession negotiations, and it considers the potential success of the 2050 climate-neutral European continent. Establishing regional and international practices in green policies significantly contributes to the EU’s position in the global order, and recognizing the EU as a leader underscores its unique diplomatic nature
Unpacking Ethical Dilemmas And Knowledge Production Processes In Conflict And Disaster Research: Observations From Nepal
No full textOne Tabloid To Rule Them All: Structuring Populist Media Response – the Case of Belgrade Waterfront Protests in 2016
No full textThis paper explores the strategies that populists use in the media in contexts of
civic contestations of populist government policies. The authors take the case
study of Belgrade Waterfront protests in Serbia in 2016, in which the domi-
nant populist party (SNS) successfully devalued the protests by using tabloid
press and pro-government TV news broadcasts. The paper argues that a suc-
cessful consolidation of populist politics was possible only through develop-
ing deep political and media polarization. As a sample, the authors take a look
at protests from April to September and analyze dominant media narratives in
pro-gov tabloid Informer and TV Pink, cross-comparing them with critically
oriented daily Danas and TV N1