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The Effectiveness of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy in Treating Major Depression
Get PDFIndividuals differ in their view of themselves, others, and the world. Those with distorted and negative core beliefs are more likely to be pessimistic and exhibit maladaptive behaviors. Consequently, these individuals tend to experience major depression disorder, which is the most common diagnosis affecting 19% of adults aged 18 and older (National Institute of Mental Health, 2023). Moreover, Major depression causes the highest mortality rates among adults (Katayama, 2022). There are 21 million adults who experience at least one major depression episode, while 15 million experience major depression with severe impairments (National Institute of Mental Health, 2023). Adults aged 18 and older with major depression episodes, accounting for 61%, receive treatment, whereas 75% of adults with severe impairments in major depression receive treatment (National Institute of Mental Health, 2023). However, adults who do not achieve successful treatment outcomes comprise 52% (National Institute of Mental Health, 2023)
Making Conflicts of Interest Matter to Federally Funded Academic Research
Get PDFThis article first provides background on the academic science and technology enterprise and the concerns of counterintelligence agencies that prompted the White House, DOJ, and Congress to act. Section III discusses specific criminal and civil cases, focusing on where prosecutions succeeded or faltered. Section IV covers the new rules and how the agencies are implementing them. Finally, Section V analyzes themes from the cases and examines how the new rules may impact future enforcement and compliance efforts
Syntax Swap: Helping Korean EFL learners conquer SVO word order
No full textThis poster addresses a common teaching challenge in linguistics and considers how to support ESL/EFL students in understanding and mastering a complex linguistic concept. Framing the challenge through students\u27 L1 and L2 language comparison, this poster addresses how teachers can effectively address this linguistic concept to enhance student comprehension and application. The research synthesizes findings from three scholarly sources, which consider cognitive, cultural, and instructional challenges that students face. The poster concludes with actionable insights for educators seeking to address persistent teaching challenges and enhance student success in the language classroom
Mastering Pronunciation: Helping Spanish/English Speaker Avoid Common Errors
No full textThis poster addresses a common teaching challenge in linguistics and considers how to support ESL/EFL students in understanding and mastering a complex linguistic concept. Framing the challenge through students\u27 L1 and L2 language comparison, this poster addresses how teachers can effectively address this linguistic concept to enhance student comprehension and application. The research synthesizes findings from three scholarly sources, which consider cognitive, cultural, and instructional challenges that students face. The poster concludes with actionable insights for educators seeking to address persistent teaching challenges and enhance student success in the language classroom
Addressing burnout: a shift to the progressive work model
Get PDFWorker burnout is a prevalent global issue and has persisted for decades. Commuting, traffic, and work schedules conflicting with personal responsibilities are just a few of many frustrations workers often experience as a part of the current way of working. This research brings light to a new work model that mitigates worker burnout. Maintaining focus on the worker, this study asked: Does a progressive organizational work model mitigate burnout? The Progressive Work Model (PWM) is a forward-thinking framework used to organize work activities and processes within an organization that meets the work-life balance needs of the modern workforce by mitigating burnout. I constructed the PWM by drawing from burnout, flexible work practices, the traditional work structure (9-to-5), work-life balance, the culture dimension of individualism/collectivism, and psychological safety climate literatures. This new work model entails forms of work that deviate from the current way of working to align with the modern work-life balance needs of workers that are increasingly expected in practice by empirically testing choice facilitated autonomy, flexible work practices, and work-life programs across cultures. The research methodology was primarily a quantitative study of individuals across the globe who are part of the workforce. Primary survey data from 8,484 individuals from six continents and 81 countries was collected by distributing a survey via international job boards Glassdoor and Indeed. Findings revealed helpful and important guidance to change the way we work, so organizations across the globe can find the courage to progress beyond the current way of working to meet the progressive needs of the modern workforce
Success factors and challenges faced by first and second-year undergraduate female students in computer science-related majors
Get PDFThere is a significant gap in the number of women who go into college as computer science majors and decide to pursue the field in the workforce. There are challenges present for female students since the start of their education that their male counterparts do not face, which ultimately contributes to this gender gap. Such challenges include a lack of mentorship, a feeling of not belonging, and a dearth of resources to engage students in computer science. Research and studies that explore the first two years of college for female students who are majoring in computer science or computer science-related subjects are lacking. By studying this population, there are implications for both retention and success for these students who have already decided on such a major that they can parlay into a career in the workforce. This phenomenological study using qualitative methods aims to inform best practices as identified by first and second-year female college students in computer science-related majors. 15 participants were selected who met such criteria and were interviewed based on research questions addressing their measures of success, challenges, and strategies to inform best practices that could have implications for K-12 classrooms as well as third-year and beyond college students majoring in computer science to address the gender gap in the field
Exploring teachers\u27 mastery and use of Minecraft in the classroom a survey of the Minecraft teachers
Get PDFThis study explored the dynamic interplay of social constructivism, game-based learning, and communities of practice in the context of teachers using Minecraft as an educational tool. This study used a teacher survey to collect insights from teachers who use Minecraft and are members of the Minecraft Teachers’ Lounge. The research investigated how teachers learn to use Minecraft, the resources that support their learning journey, and the factors influencing their confidence in utilizing game-based learning tools. The findings highlighted the significance of collaborative learning environments, experiential learning approaches, and ongoing professional development opportunities for teachers using technology-enhanced tools like Minecraft. The study’s conclusions emphasized the transformative potential of integrating game-based learning platforms into classrooms, leveraging the synergies between social constructivism, game-based learning, and communities of practice to cultivate engaging, collaborative, and meaningful learning experiences. The insights from this research can guide educators in harnessing the power of immersive technologies, continuous learning, and innovative teaching
Hasta la Raíz: an exploration of Latinidad in venture capital
No full textThis dissertation explores the multifaceted experiences and career management strategies of Latinos/as in the venture capital industry, an area marked by significant underrepresentation. This study aims to illuminate the unique challenges and strategies of Latino/a investors. Drawing on literature from identity formation, Latinidad, diversity and inclusion, and career management, this research addresses the gap in academic literature regarding the lived experiences of Latinos/as in venture capital. The study utilizes 18 narrative interviews with active Latino/a investors of diverse backgrounds and varying experience levels to develop a conceptual framework. This framework highlights the constructed identity of the venture capital investor through five markers: Role of Latinidad, Phenotypic Presentation, Acculturation Trauma, Context (i.e., Immigration, Geography, and Exposure to Diversity), and Personal Brand Approach. The framework’s axes (Latino Identity Salience and gendered traits (agenticmasculine vs. communal-feminine) reveal four distinct archetypes: Vanguard Innovator, Defiant Champion, Strategic Luminary, and Cultural Catalyst. These archetypes underscore the heterogeneity of Latino/a identities and illustrate how phenotypic variation and early exposure to diverse ecosystems shape adaptive strategies and resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation provides valuable insights into how Latino/a investors navigate and succeed in the venture capital ecosystem, offering a foundation for future research and practical applications to enhance diversity within the industry
Foreign Intervention and Internal Displacement: Urban Politics in Postwar Beirut
Get PDFUneven democratization is a common yet poorly understood legacy of civil war. In the aftermath of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), wartime processes of displacement interacted with Syria\u27s intervention to transform local postwar political orders. In Beirut\u27s suburbs, the bonds built between armed actors and displaced populations created opportunities for displaced people to extract responsiveness from local institutions, despite their vulnerability. But the power of displaced populations in their host community hinges on the fate of the locally dominant armed actor. If the armed actor is an ally of the intervening power, it can maintain political control over its strongholds, marginalizing traditional local elites while empowering its core constituents, displaced people. By contrast, if an armed actor is repressed by the intervening power, the ensuing power vacuum creates an opportunity for pluralistic party politics to emerge. Traditional prewar elites reassert their role in local political life, empowering their core constituents, the prewar residents. Drawing on dozens of in-depth interviews with key informants in the suburbs of postwar Beirut, the findings show how displacement transformed localities in ways that transcend religious identity. Over 80,000 people have been displaced from southern Lebanon because of fighting since October 7, 2023. If Hezbollah provides services and security to these displaced persons, the current conflict will strengthen Hezbollah\u27s grip on the south of Lebanon when the displaced populations return, or further consolidate its influence in those localities in south Lebanon where displaced populations settle.
In the southern suburbs of Beirut, Lebanon, Hezbollah is the dominant party. It faces little competition from challengers and has virtually complete control of local government—a local version of authoritarianism. It is for good reason that the southern suburbs of Beirut are known as the group\u27s stronghold. And yet, only a few miles down the road, in the eastern suburbs of Beirut, the story is quite different. Multiple political parties compete for the support and attention of local voters and local elites. In these neighborhoods, local family-based elites are powerful, and local politics reflect the complex negotiations between these elites and several parties. These two neighborhood clusters, even though just a fifteen-minute drive apart, operate under fundamentally different postwar political orders.
This kind of uneven political development is not unique to Beirut or Lebanon. Scholars identify subnational authoritarianism and uneven democratization as key features of local politics in Latin America and Russia. They point to a combination of institutional and electoral structures,1 local-level rentierism,2 control over the local economy,3 and elite strategies of boundary control that isolate challengers from national allies as ways that political actors maintain control over authoritarian enclaves.4 This subnational authoritarianism literature rarely examines postwar contexts,5 however, even though this pattern of subnational authoritarianism is common in the wake of civil wars. Perhaps the most vivid example is the American South after the Civil War, but modern examples such as Bosnia and Iraq abound.
I argue that military intervention by foreign powers to end wars is a significant part of the story. Although United Nations peacekeeping missions or liberal international interventions may be the most studied and discussed type of military intervention, many military interventions to end conflicts and broker peace are undertaken by biased and invested foreign powers—usually neighbors, sometimes great powers.6 Little is known about the long-term effects of military interventions, and even less is known about their local effects. In this article, I demonstrate how military intervention can create differential local effects, interacting with the facts on the ground, particularly the wartime networks forged by processes such as population displacement and armed group governance, to shape the postwar political order at the local level.
Civil wars inevitably set in motion numerous social and political changes. One of the most significant is internal displacement, a process that fundamentally reorganizes communities. In this context, military intervention to end a civil war is a critical juncture, one that is essential to understanding whether and how wartime population displacement and the accompanying changes in social and political networks will shape local politics in the postwar era.
Using an inductive theory-building approach supported by evidence from five months of fieldwork in Lebanon, this study yields three main findings. First, wartime displacement systematically alters social and political networks. Populations internally displaced during civil war develop stronger ties to armed actors that may have provided them safe haven than populations that do not experience displacement. The latter group tends to remain more connected to prewar traditional local elites. These relationships can be critical in understanding postwar politics. Counterintuitively, relationships between displaced persons and armed actors are not simply exploitative. My findings indicate that in the postwar era, displaced persons can leverage their relationships with armed actors to exercise their political voice, to put non-electoral pressure on local government, and to extract responsiveness, even when they lack the right to vote in their new host communities.
Second, external military intervention, particularly when it shapes the war\u27s final settlement, does more than simply determine winners and losers at the national level. External intervention affects local politics by empowering the intervener\u27s allies with resources and freedom both to maintain their local wartime networks and to exert control over local governments in their wartime strongholds. In regions controlled by armed actors allied with the intervener, local dominant party systems emerge in the postwar era and prewar traditional local leaders are sidelined. In contrast, in regions where the intervener represses and politically marginalizes local armed actors, the power vacuum enables local pluralism and competitive party politics to emerge. Part of this pluralism includes traditional local elites reestablishing their role in local politics, which permits some political continuities with the prewar era.
Together, these two findings generate a third insight—whether displaced people can use their wartime political networks to extract responsiveness hinges on the fate and relative power of the armed actor to which they are connected. In localities controlled by the external intervener\u27s allies, displaced people are embedded in political networks that are strengthened by the war\u27s settlement, and as a result, they have real postwar power. In contrast, when armed groups that are enemies of the external intervener are repressed, their networks atrophy and weaken in the postwar period. The displaced people among their constituents lack the power to demand the same level of responsiveness from the local government.
The article draws on a comparison of the densely populated southern and eastern suburbs of postwar Beirut. The two suburban areas share similar prewar characteristics, went through multiple phases of armed group control during the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), and became refuges for displaced populations, particularly during periods of wartime sectarian sorting and cleansing. Displaced populations developed stronger ties to armed actors, whereas residents who did not experience displacement remained embedded in their prewar communities and more closely linked to prewar local elites.
Despite these similar paths, decisive military action by neighboring Syria in 1990 to end the war affected the two suburbs differently. Hezbollah, the armed actor in control of the southern suburbs at the end of the war, was allied with Syria, the enforcer of the postwar peace in Lebanon. Being a beneficiary of the war\u27s final settlement allowed Hezbollah to monopolize political power in its localities and empower its core constituents, displaced people. The Aounist faction of the Lebanese Army, the armed actor in control of the eastern suburbs at the end of the war, was militarily defeated by Syria and politically marginalized. The war\u27s end created a political power vacuum in Aounist localities and produced a competitive and pluralistic postwar political environment. Prewar elites reasserted their role in local politics and empowered their constituents, the prewar residents.
Although it focuses on the dynamics within a handful of urban neighborhoods in greater Beirut, this study makes several contributions to the literatures on international intervention and on wartime displacement. It also has policy relevance beyond the Lebanese case. Classic research on postwar politics tends to focus on the macro level—the interventions, settlements, and peace deals that end wars and shape a country\u27s future at the national level. More recent civil war scholarship focuses on microlevel developments during a war. Both lenses are important. This study demonstrates how the national-level outcome of a war interacts with local networks to produce systematic differences in local political orders, local leadership, and the relative power of displaced people in different neighborhoods.
More practically, uneven political development occurs in many countries, but particularly in postwar environments. International intervention to structure the outcome of the war and to create winners and losers is a main contributor to this local variation. International intervention creates authoritarian strongholds in some places and more pluralism in others. Furthermore, in relatively authoritarian postwar environments, military interventions that empower armed actors with strong networks among displaced people can counterintuitively provide these generally vulnerable populations with ways to elicit local responsiveness. This dynamic can occur even when giving voice to the marginalized was never an objective of the intervention.
This study also advances the understanding of the long-term political consequences of displacement. While internally displaced people often receive less attention than international refugees, they form the majority of forcibly displaced persons globally. The Lebanese case of displaced populations settling permanently in urban areas is becoming the norm worldwide. By the end of 2021, an unprecedented fifty-five million internally displaced persons were living in Afghanistan, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen.7 These are among the most vulnerable people in the world, precisely because they are still in their own countries and may still be subject to violence and threats by the regimes and armed actors that caused their displacement. Policymakers and analysts often focus on return as the most durable and preferrable solution to the plight of internally displaced people.8 But recent trends indicate an increasing number of displaced persons, fewer of whom are returning home and more of whom are settling in cities rather than camps.9 Urban resettlement introduces new relationships with host communities, as scarce resources catalyze social tensions between new and old inhabitants.10
Practitioners in humanitarian and development agencies already recognize that aid targeting forcibly displaced people must start to adopt a “people-in-place” approach.11 Instead of focusing on service delivery to discrete individuals, organizations must incorporate a deeper understanding of the urban contexts in which displaced people reside. In practice, this holistic relief effort means addressing the infrastructural needs of an urban neighborhood as well as the economic, social, security, and human development needs of both displaced people and their host communities.12 This study\u27s exploration of the political dynamics and tensions between displaced residents and prewar residents and between political parties with histories as wartime armed groups and prewar local elites sheds light on both the obstacles that development organizations may face and the potential partnerships they may forge as they seek to serve these communities effectively. In host cities for internally displaced people, such as Mosul (Iraq), Maidaguri (Nigeria), Mogadishu (Somalia), and Idlib (Syria), it is essential to map out the local political landscape to understand the complex web of networks and loyalties that will impede or facilitate the international community\u27s ability to help the most vulnerable.
This article proceeds as follows. After a review of the relevant civil war literature, the second section presents an inductive theory of how internal displacement reshapes political networks and interacts with the outcome of the war to influence patterns of local control after the war. The third section provides a description of the comparative case study research design and data collection process. Next, the article addresses the common process of forced displacement and network transformation that took place in the southern and eastern suburbs of Beirut. Section five examines the postwar contrasts between the southern and eastern suburbs, demonstrating how Syria\u27s intervention produced divergent local political orders. The penultimate section considers alternative explanations, and the conclusion discusses both the limits of foreign intervention and its potential to reshape local political life and empower displaced populations when interveners ally with legitimate local actors
Anchored in faith, soaked in blood: Black social activists strategies for developing equitable policy in education, civil rights, and citizenship
Get PDFReligious beliefs and the use of race to create a narrative of inferiority plague education, civil rights, and citizenship policy development and implementation, causing harm to Black citizens. Public education is the bedrock of a democratic society. Civil rights and the ability to exercise those rights within a country are vital elements of citizenship. A well-educated populace provides a country\u27s position and power. Equitable education, civil rights, and the vestiges of full citizenship in the U.S. for Black people have been a constant battle. This fight has been at the forefront of the demands for this nation since Reconstruction. Black social activists understood the importance of education, civil rights, citizenship, and a person\u27s ability to learn and engage in decision-making via voting and policy by providing opportunities for a better life for future generations. One way to ensure access to education, civil rights, and citizenship is through policy development. Policy impacts every area of a person\u27s life. Education policy impacts a child\u27s ability to learn and grow in a safe environment. Civil rights policy provides opportunities for people to live safely and have their needs met, as well as the right to use their rights and voice in decision-making at the local, state, and federal levels of government. At the heart of the challenge for Black activists fighting for the right for Black people to have access to an equitable education, civil rights, and citizenship are the religious and racial divides. This study explores Black activists\u27 strategies and practices, their faith\u27s role in developing education, civil rights, and citizenship policy, their challenges, and what might be learned to create new strategies for a more equitable blueprint today