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Development of Passive Response Control System with High Stiffness and Ductility for Wooden houses
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An Experimental Study of Sharing Community Memories for Utilization of Local Civil Engineering Heritage
Full text linkSTRUCTURAL PERFORMANCE EVALUATION OF NEW BRACE FASTENER WITH DAMPING MECHANISM FOR WOODEN HOUSES
Full text linkA Task Scheduling Method after Clustering for Data Intensive Jobs in Heterogeneous Distributed Systems
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Who controlled the right to vote? Using S.Rokkan’s Macro-Model of Europe and the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century as a lead
No full textThe modern and current electoral system is inseparable from the democratic principle called the 'one person one vote' system given a guarantee of universal and equal suffrage. This article analyzes the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century which either fulfill or do not fulfill the basic principles of universal
suffrage and equality and other suffrages, and considers the realization of the institutionalized democracy in
both countries. Then I gave attention to S.Rokkan's Macro-Model of Europe with these basic conditions to the
mass democracy and then present and analyze the framework of European politics through the English and French typical models. The relevant aspects of this matter are significant and deal directly with the heart of the discussion on the nstitutionalization of the English and French democratic systems. I located information on the electoral systems of Britain and France through the transverse axis of S.Rokkan's Macro-Model of Europe and the vertical axis of the basic principles of suffrage based on modern legislation. He shows the model
which explains how:- 'the English model of slow, step-by-step enfranchisement continued without reversals but with long periods with formal recognition of inequalities, and the French model of early and sudden universalization and the equalization of political citizenship but with frequent reversals and with tendencies towards plebiscitarian exploitation of mass support'. Then he considers the tendency which:- 'In general, the polities characterized by stronger representative traditions came closer to the English model, whereas the polities with stronger absolutist tradition came closer to the French model'. Then he further illustrates
Britain and France where:- 'the resistance to the introduction of PR is likely to be stronger in larger polities where central governments are able to mobilize greater resources against the PR movements (England, France and Germany)' with examples. I think that in reality the differences between the British and French models were insubstantial and the insubstantiality resulted from the similarity of both countries in their retaining the established oligarchy. The reality and actual conditions of the English electoral system mainly depended on limited suffrage and had plural voting still occurring, and the French government continued to interfere in their electoral system and their elections which were against male universal suffrage and maintained the effect of the theory of the franchise by considering it an official duty and thereby justified the continuing restricted suffrage. And so in England, Parliament and Cabinet are composed of the predominance of the peerage and in France there is a specialization between Parliament, as well as Cabinet and upper administration, and the latter is effectively still being ruled by the upper middle class and the nobility. The propertied classes controlled the suffrage and the electoral systems of Britain and France in the 19th century. At that time the statesmen demanded the democratization of the electoral systems within the range of the compatibility of governmental necessity, but I think that the indirect democracy can not be realized as far as the oligarchy is kept as the framework of the system.近現代の選挙制度は普通･平等選挙の保証を通じた「一人，一票」という民主主義の原則と不
可分である。本稿は，普通・平等選挙等の選挙権基本原則の充足の有無を通じて19世紀英仏選挙制度を分析して両国の制度的民主主義の実現や民主主義の制度化に係る課題を検討する。この分析視角から注目したのが，ロッカンのマクロヨーロッパモデル中の大衆民主主義へいたる条件づけを
もとに欧州政治の枠組を英仏の典型的モデルで提示分析した部分だった。当該部分は英仏民主主義の制度化を論ずる上で核心を突いている点に意義がある。そして筆者は横軸にロッカンのマクロヨーロッパモデルをおき縦軸に近代法上の選挙権基本原則をおいて英仏選挙制度を位置づけた。彼は「不可逆的だが不平等の公的認知期間が長く緩慢に公民権付与が進行した英型と政治的市民権の普遍化と平等化が早期かつ速やかに行われたがその過程は可逆的である仏型」というモデルを示し「代議制の伝統が強い政体は英型に近く絶対主義の伝統が強い政体は仏型に近い」傾向を持つとした。また「比例代表制導入に対する抵抗は中央政府が比例代表制運動に対して大きい資源を動員できた大きい政治組織ほど強い」として英仏を例示した。筆者は両モデルの相違は実態に踏み込むと
希薄化し，それが寡頭政温存という両者の類似性に由来すると考えた。実態は英は制限選挙が主流で複票制も健在であり，仏も男性普選とは裏腹に政府の選挙干渉が存続し制限選挙を正当視する公務説が効力を保持した。また英は議会と内閣が貴族階級優位に構成され，仏も議会･内閣と上級行政職は分化しつつ後者で上層中産階級と貴族階級が権力掌握を続けていた。19世紀英仏選挙権および選挙制度を支配したのは有産者だった。当時の為政者は自らの寡頭政を維持するために選挙制度の民主化を統治の必要性との両立範囲内で求めたが，間接民主主義は寡頭政を骨格として保持する限り成立しえないと考える
The reception of Hoshi Shinichi’s fiction in China
No full textThis paper compares the Chinese translations of Hoshi Shinichi’s fiction published between 1980 and 2014 with the publishing condition of the Japanese versions and discusses how the Chinese versions were received in China from three standpoints.
First of all, by investigating the change or distribution type of the conditions of Hoshi Shinichi’s fiction over different years, which means the given examples of the Chinese translation collection, magazines and fiction in other publications, we can deduce how his fiction was received in China. Next, we put forward two features
of the Chinese translations, namely, the translating boom period and the sudden change in the genre of works translated. Here we see the translation and publication of Hoshi’s works undergo boom and stagnation periods, and the works are categorized as either science fiction of short-short stories. Investigating the reasons behind these two features, we can put light on the characteristics of Chinese translations and their publication. In addition, the fact that Hoshi’s fiction is taken up in Chinese school 2 5textbooks suggests the uniqueness of how it has been received in China. That is to say, Hoshi’s fiction is highly
regarded in Chinese educational circles and his audience is becoming younger. By comparing the adoption of
Hoshi’s fiction in both Chinese and Japanese school textbooks, we were able to analyze the reasons why the
works were adopted and thus discuss the characteristics of his Chinese readers.
To a conclusion, based on the materials which collected during 30 years from now on and produced by the
Chinese translation and reception condition of Hoshi Shinichi’s fiction in China, this article is to interpret the
3 characters: the boom of the translating, the change of the works’ genera and the younger-age trend of the
reception readers.本論文は1980年から2014年までに中国で出版された中国語訳の星新一小説の状況と，日本における星新一小説の出版状況とを比較し，星新一小説の中国における受容の特徴を三つの面に分けて論ずるものである。第一に，中国語訳の作品集，雑誌及びその他の出版物に収録された星新一小説の翻訳点数と出版点数を挙げ，星新一小説出版の年代による変化や類型分布などの状況の分析を行い，それを通して中国における星新一小説の出版現状を明らかにする。第二に，星新一小説の中国における翻訳時期の集中及び翻訳された作品のジャンル区分の突然の変化という二つの特徴を取りあげる。すなわち，中国における星新一小説の翻訳及び出版には明らかにブームと停滞期があり，彼の作品を「SF」に分類するか「ショートショート」に分類するかという区分の変化も中国における独特の現象である。この二つの特徴の原因を分析し，星新一小説の中国語訳出版の特徴を論ずる。第三に，星新一の小説は中国で教科書に収録されたことに見られるように，中国における星新一小説の受容対象には顕著な特徴がある。すなわち，教育界からの高い評価を受けたことで，星新一小説の受容対象もより若くなる傾向があるのである。中日両国における星新一作品の教育用図書における採用状況を比較し，その原因を分析し，中国における星新一小説受容対象の特徴を論ずる。以上，本論文は，現在までの30年間に，中国における星新一小説の中国語訳及びその受容状況には，中国社会国有の特徴，すなわち，翻訳時期の集中，作品ジャンル区分の変化，および受容対象の低年齢化という三つの顕著な特徴が存在したことについて論述したものである