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    Crude Oil Price, Monetary Policy and Output: The Case of Pakistan

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    Rapid rises in the prices of crude oil in the decade of 2000s have raised concerns among policy-makers around the world, as the theoretical and empirical literature has established that oil price shocks may have an adverse impact on the macro economy of the country. In particular, for the oil importing developing countries like Pakistan, this upward trend in the price of oil can have serious repercussions in terms of creating inflationary pressures in the economy, increasing budget deficit and balance of payment problems, and thus affecting the GDP growth. Pakistan was on the path of rising GDP growth in the first seven years of this decade. But in the year 2007-08, the situation has changed. This oil price shock could possibly be one of the reasons. As an impact of rising growth rate of GDP, demand for energy has also gone up rapidly in this period. In the energy mix for the year 2005-06, oil accounts for 32 percent of the total energy used in Pakistan, and it is the second largest source of energy used after natural gas, which accounts for 39 percent. With oil being the second largest source of energy used along with almost constant rate of its production Pakistan is heavily dependent on oil imports from Middle East exporters (Saudi Arab playing the lead role). Almost 82 percent of the demand for petroleum products in the country is met through imports.1 Pakistan spent about 44 percent of export earnings on oil imports in 2006-07. This percentage was only 27 percent in 2004-05. Therefore, the international oil price increase has a direct impact on the macro economy of the country, especially on the oil price GDP relationship. The share of net oil imports in GDP is an indicator of the relative importance of the oil price rise to the economy in terms of the potential adjustments needed to offset it. For Pakistan over the last few years, this ratio has risen from 3.13 in 1990-91 to -5.24 in 2005-06 [Malik (2007)]. With such a high ratio, unless country is running in surplus, or has extremely large foreign exchange reserves, high oil price is dealt by severe macro economic adjustments

    Shorter Notices

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    Economic Sustainability in a Globalised World (The Presidential Address)

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    Mr Prime Minister, Patron of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists and Chancellor PIDE, Minister for Planning and Development, Ministers, Past Presidents and Distinguished Members of the Society, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen: It is my pleasure to welcome you all to the 24th Annual General Meeting and Conference of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists. We are extremely grateful and honoured by the presence of the Prime Minister. On behalf of the members of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists (PSDE), I would like to thank you, Sir, for having spared your precious time to grace this occasion. I would like also to especially thank our guests who have come from different parts of the country and from abroad to participate in the Conference. We are heartily pleased to see here today many students of Economics and other social sciences from different colleges and universities of Pakistan who are just as eager as regular members to understand our subject better. Let me join Dr Arif in especially welcoming Professor Yu Yongding, Professor John Mellor, Professor Siddiqur Rahman Osmani, and Dr Parvez Hasan, who will be delivering the Invited Lectures this year. At the outset, on behalf of all members of the PSDE, I would like to recognise the support and encouragement of the Prime Minister as Chairman of the Planning Commission to the initiative taken by the Deputy Chairman and his predecessor Mr Salman Faruqui to actively involve professional economists in Pakistan in the process of economic policy-making. The new Task Forces on critical economic concerns and the Advisory Panel of Economists to frame the short-run and medium-term policies by the Planning Commission are democracy’s gifts to the economists of Pakistan. Democracy encourages independent thinking, accommodates diverse viewpoints, and thus makes it possible to evolve a comprehensive policy for all

    International Competition, Debt, and Uneven Development in a North-South Macroeconomic Model

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    This paper examines whether the intensification of international competition widens the gap between developing and developed economies. The intensification of international competition with an influential trade union in the North is known to lower the North’s markup rate. This paper is unique because it points out that the intensification of international competition can widen the North-South gap when the Southern debt is taken into consideration. It also shows that the egalitarian policy in the North as influenced by trade unions is compatible with its international policy: relief of interest payments. JEL classification: F19, O19 Keywords: North-South, Uneven Development, Deb

    Ownership Concentration, Corporate Governance and Firm Performance: Evidence from Pakistan

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    The nature of relation between the ownership structure and corporate governance structure has been the core issue in the corporate governance literature. From a firms’ perspective, ownership structure determines the firms’ profitability, enjoyed by different stake-holders. In particular, ownership structure is an incentive device for reducing the agency costs associated with the separation of ownership and management, which can be used to protect property rights of the firm [Barbosa and Louri (2002)]. With the development of corporate governance, many corporations owned by disperse shareholders and are controlled by hire manager. As a results incorporated firms whose owners are dispersed and each of them owns a small fraction of total outstanding shares, tend to under-perform as indicated by Berle and Means (1932). Latter this theoretical relationship between a firm’s ownership structure and its performance is empirically examined by Jensen and Meckling (1976) and Shlefier and Vishny (1986). In most of developing markets including Pakistan, the closely held firms (family or state-controlled firms or firms held by corporations and by financial institutions) dominate the economic landscape. The main agency problem is not the managershareholder conflict but rather the risk of expropriation by the dominant or controlling shareholder at the expense of minority shareholders. The agency problem in these markets is that control is often obtained through complex pyramid structures,1 interlock directorship,2 cross shareholdings,3 voting pacts and/or dual class voting shares that allow the ultimate owner to maintain (voting) control while owning a small fraction of ownership (cash flow rights)

    Institutional Imperatives of Poverty Reduction

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    The high food inflation in the last three years has pushed 11 million people into a state of hunger and poverty. Given the present trend, if no policy action is taken, an additional 22 million people will be impoverished over the next four years (see Table 7). According to the World Food Programme Survey for the Vulnerability Analysis and Mapping Unit as many as 77 million people upto March 2008 are deemed “food insecure”1, where the food insecure population is defined as those consuming less than 2350 calories per person per day. The statistical evidence clearly shows Pakistan is in the grip of a poverty crisis. Ms. Bushra’s action stands as stark testimony of the human experience of poverty. It also poses a challenge to policy makers as much as to economists to undertake urgent policy action on the basis of a scientific analysis of the problem

    Edible Oil Deficit and Its Impact on Food Expenditure in Pakistan

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    Pakistan, a developing country, is the sixth most populous in the world [U. S. Census (2008)], whose demand is rising due to steady economic growth. Agriculture contributes 23 percent of the GDP, 42 percent of the total work force is employed to the agriculture sector and also contributes substantially to Pakistan’s export earnings [Alam (2008)]. Agriculture Commodities and Textiles Products accounts for 62.6 percent of Pakistan's total exports [Memon (2008)]. Pakistan is the ninth largest producer of wheat, 12th largest producer of rice, 5th largest producer of sugarcane and 4rth largest producer of cotton among the top producers in the world as per statistics of FY05 [Memon, et al. (2008)]. Despite overwhelmingly an agrarian economy, Pakistan is unable to produce edible oil sufficient for domestic requirements. Edible oil is considered a necessity in Pakistan and hence its demand is relatively inelastic. There are many reasons behind this shortcoming, for example, lack of awareness of farmers, ignorance of policy makers regarding oilseed crops, technological deficiency in oilseed production and smuggling to neighbouring countries (Afghanistan in particular). The major crop responsible for 57 percent of edible oil production is cotton seed which is primarily a fiber crop. Indigenous production of edible oil is below the consumption levels with a very wide gap between the production and consumption. This gap is bridged through import of edible oil worth more than Rs 45.0 billion1 annually. Presently the oilseed production only meet about 30 percent2 of the domestic requirements and the rest is covered with imports. The high dependency on imports not only exerts the pressure on balance of payment but also develops a close linkage between international price shocks and edible oil price in Pakistan which is ultimately reflected in food expenditure. The common Pakistani food includes a significant quantity of edible oil which is the reason behind high consumption growth rates

    Occupational Status and Earnings Inequality: Evidence from PIHS 2001-02 and PSLM 2004-05

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    Wage/earnings inequalities are one source of overall inequality in a country. The former inequalities in turn are closely linked with differential occupational status either defined in a contractual or productive/skill sense. Using the Pakistan Standard Classification of Occupations [PSCO (1994)], this paper estimates Gini coefficients for three types (all types, employee, selfemployed) of individuals/earners by occupational status from the Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS) 2001-02 and Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey (PSLM) 2004-05. Long-term trends in earnings inequality from 1992-93 to 2004-05 are documented with the benchmark estimates in the Ahmad (2002) study, while the short-term trends are measured from 2001-02 to 2004-05 for self-employed and paid employee. The long- as well as the short-term trends indicate rising earnings disparities within each occupational category. Over the longer period, these disparities have risen in the range of 50 to 100 percent. Shifts across occupation and across employment status indicate doubling of the share of Shop and Market Sales and Services Workers and the transition towards becoming self-employed. A few tentative explanations for the observed increasing occupational inequalities at the individual level are: (a) Availability of credit and improved efficiency of capital market may have relaxed capital constraints of former employees and enabled them to transit as self-employed. Right-sizing and down-sizing in public organisations may also have pushed the previous employees into utilising the ‘golden handshake’ packages towards self-employment. Assuming that returns on capital (internal or borrowed) are higher and financial contracts are more lucrative than wage contracts, the situation can lead to wider disparities. (b) At the paid employee level, the fall in the share of workers in elementary occupations improved the wage contracts of those still remaining in this occupation, and thereby increased the income/earnings inequality within this category. (c) Premium on skills, education, experience, and talent, in spite of the entry of a large number of individuals in the Service, Shop and Market Sales Workers category, has widened the inequalities within this category

    David N. Weil. Economic Growth. (Second Edition). New York: Addison Wesley Press, 2009. 565 pages. Paperback. Price not given.

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    Despite the great concern towards the issue of the convergence of economies, the world is still witnessing the gap between rich and poor being widened progressively. The book examines the interesting question of why some countries are rich and some are poor-why they differ in their levels of income and their rates of economic growth. Featuring the latest data, new case studies, and a number of significant additions in the content, the new Second Edition takes the Weil legacy further. The text develops a very balanced relevance of both macroeconomics’ classical roots and its current practice in the field of growth. Engagingly written, it brings into use simple models, close to reality examples, and instructive tables and figures to address the key issues. Chapter summaries, list of key concepts at the beginning of each chapter, questions for review, as well as problems and applications to help the diligent reader master the material he provides. The clarity of the writing, the richness of the empirical and quantitative descriptions, and the best available evidence of some of the modern economies confronting growth issues, however, would further deepen his interest

    Testing the Fiscal Theory of Price Level in Case of Pakistan

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    There are two competing views of the interaction between monetary and fiscal policy and their effects on price stability for policy-maker’s point of view. In the classical view, in Ricardian regimes it is the demand for liquidity and its evolution over time that determines prices. In such a regime fiscal policy is passive, which implies that government bonds are not net wealth [Barro (1974)], and monetary policy works through the interest rate or another instrument to determine prices. In the opposite view which is more recent, a non-Ricardian regime will prevail whenever fiscal policy becomes active1 and does not accommodate or adjust primary surpluses to guarantee fiscal solvency. As a result, the Ricardian equivalence do not hold, and the increase in nominal public debt to finance persistent budget deficits is perceived by private agents as an increase in nominal wealth. In fiscal dominant regime the government’s fiscal policy becomes sustainable through debt deflation that is an increase in prices that wash away the real value of public debt and in turn the real value of financial wealth until demand equals supply and a new equilibrium is reached. In this regime prices are determined by fiscal policy, and inflation becomes a fiscal phenomenon. If, on the other hand, primary surpluses follow an arbitrary process, then the equilibrium path of prices is determined by the requirement known as fiscal solvency; that is, the price level has to jump to satisfy a present value budget constraint called non-Ricardian regime. The basic distinction between the two regimes is that in non-Ricardian regime fiscal policy plays the role where as in Ricardian regime monetary policy provides stability in prices. In FTPL, the results of fiscal and monetary policies depend on which policy has dominant characteristics. The consequences of policies differ depending on the active and passive characteristics of the policy and depending on the characteristics of the following policy. If the policy mix is such that monetary policy is active and fiscal policy is passive, fiscal policy accommodates monetary policies; these policies are called dominant monetary policy by Sargent and Wallace (1981) and Ricardian regime by Woodford (1994, 1995)

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