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コロナ期における在日中国人留学生の諸経験
For Chinese people, study abroad is an important matter. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many countries implemented travel regulation policies. Except for the early part of 2020, however, long term residents, including international students, were allowed to enter Japan. Despite the COVID pandemic, some of the degree program students entered Japan from abroad. In addition, as soon as the international travel regulations ended, a huge number of non-degree students including kenkyusei( research students) and language program students rushed to Japan
国債利回り, 貸付利子率, 預金利子率を考慮したマクロ経済モデル
In IS-LM model, it seems difficult to intuitively understand the concept of money market. Therefore, in Umada(2024) we discussed the determination of loan interest rate, deposit interest rate, and government bond yield without using the concept of money market. In addition to these three, we will also discuss GDP and price determination, adding the concept of goods market to the discussion
<論説>近現代日本における年中行事の日取りの変遷 --改暦・軍隊・皇室・メディア・鉄道・経済・感染症・排日移民法etc...-- (特集 : まつり)
本稿では、社寺祭礼など年中行事の近現代史について、その日取りの変遷を新聞や日誌といった経年的に蓄積された史料を用いて丁寧に調べていくという手法によって、各地の年中行事の日取りの変遷を検討した。これにより、改暦・軍隊・皇室・メディア・鉄道・経済・感染症・排日移民法など、実に様々な要因に規定されながら各地の年中行事が紆余曲折に満ちた日取りの変遷を経てきたことを明らかにした。このような研究手法は、いわゆる「創られた伝統」論をめぐってしばしば見られる二つの問題点(「創られた伝統」の起源に関心が集中してその後の過程が看過される、ナショナリズムに関心が集中して資本主義など他のさまざまな要因が捨象される)の改善にも資するものである。さらに、大学や高校などの教育現場で学生たちがこの手法を用いて身近な年中行事の近現代史についてみずから調べるように促すことによって、歴史教育に活かすこともできる。This paper focuses on the changes in the dates of various annual events in modern Japan, stressing how frequently these dates were changed under the influence of a startling number of factors, as including calendar reforms, the military, the imperial family, the media, railways, the economy, infectious diseases, and anti-Japanese immigration laws. In addressing this issue, I examine the following four annual events. The first event is the Hakata Matsubayashi parade 博多松囃子. Originally people in Hakata used to hold the event in order to offer New Year's greetings to the lord of the domain. However, after the Meiji Restoration, it became necessary for them to invent a new purpose that could jusify this event. After much trial and error, they finally made a decision to connect it with the army's annual memorial service 陸軍の招魂 祭. Though this change enabled them to justify the event without facing criticism for observing old customs, it also invited a serious problem in the sense that the date of the parade often had to be changed whenever that of the army's memorial service was changed. Next, I examine the dates of the Tōka Ebisu Festival 十日戎 ̶held at Nishinomiya Shrine between the 9th and 11th day of the first month. The first calendar reform in 1872 produced two Tōka Ebisu Festivals, one based on the new calendar and the other based on the old (lunar-solar) calendar. The national railway promoted the latter by discounting fares and running extra trains because apparently the latter became more popular than the former. In 1905, Hanshin Electric Railway opened and started to promote both Tōka Ebisu Festivals, which made them nearly equally popular. However, after the second calendar reform in 1910, the festival based on the old calendar became unpopular. It was also the case with the Obon (お盆) in Nagasaki that the date changed under the influence of the calendar reforms. Unique to Nagasaki was that it faced the treat of infectious diseases very often because it was an international port. People often had difficulty balancing public health and the economy. As my last example, I take a close look at the Yokohama Port Opening Anniversary. It was originally held on July 1 of the new calendar, which was chosen to mark the opening of the Yokohama port in 1859. However, in 1928, the mayor suddenly proposed changing it to June 2 based on the old calendar. Previous research had failed to clarify his motivation for this proposal. However, I point out the fact that in 1924 July 1 became had become a date that could not help but remind most Japanese of an intolerable event. That was the passing of the Anti-Japanese Immigration Law in the United States. It is very likely that the mayor wanted to separate the anniversary from July 1 because celebrating the anniversary on that date could obviously invite criticism from all over Japan. Keeping these examples in mind, I would like to stress that, when we discuss the histories of annual events in modern times, it is essential to take a close look at historical sources such as newspapers or diaries, from which we can see precisely how a certain annual event changed over modern times. This method can be helpful when we try to solve one major problem that is often seen with studies inspired by Hobsbawm's model of the ‘invention of tradition’. The problem is that these studies tend to concentrate excessively on the origin of a certain invented tradition that inevitably causes scholars to overlook subsequent processes. This method can also contribute to the improvement of history education because not just professional scholars, but also ordinary students, can try this method and enjoy making exciting discoveries
<論説>明治時代の京都祇園祭における弓矢町の武者行列の再編 (特集 : まつり)
京都祇園祭には、かつて神輿を先導する武者行列が供奉した。この行列は、中世の坂者で組織された犬神人が神輿を警固するための神役であった。その慣例は、近代以降も弓矢町の住民によって受け継がれてきたが、昭和四九年を最後に武者姿での供奉は中断している。現在の弓矢町では、武具飾りが大切に継承されている。これまで筆者は、都市と祭礼との関係を地理学的に捉えてきた。本稿は、そのアプローチを踏襲し、中近世の犬神人と近現代の弓矢町住民による武者行列の繫がりについて、都市の社会・空間構造を通じて検証する。そのために、明治時代に一度中断された武者行列を再興・再編した「町中」に着目し、その構成員の属性や担い手意識を、武者行列の再興経緯や規則改正、行列内容の改変、その後の持続性とともに明らかにした。その結果、武者行列は、持続性に課題を抱えながらも、祝祭的行事に再編されることで、地域文化としての継承の道筋が整えられたことが分かった。Kyoto's Gion Festival has a history that can be traced back more than 1, 100 years to the Heian period. It is famed as an outstanding example of Japan's festivals. Among the various events that make up the festival, the Yamahoko Parade, which has been designated an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the national government, attracts many onlookers every year, and it characterizes the festival as a ritual event. However, the true meaning of the Gion Festival, which originated in the Goryōe, an exorcism of the plague, lies in the portable shrines (mikoshi), that are carried back and forth between Yasaka Shrine and the tabisho, a place of temporary lodging for the gods during the festival. The processions transporting the shrines out to the tabisho and back are held in the evening on July 17 and July 24 after the parade of the Yamahoko. Accompanied by a procession made up of a large number of bearers, representatives of the shrines' adherents, and Shinto priests, the three mikoshi, dedicated to worship of the shrine deities proceed across the shrine's territory. Unlike the gorgeous ornament of the Yamahoko parade, the transporting of the portable shrines mixes the prayers of the adherents and the enthusiasm of the bearers together to create a uniquely vibrant event. If the Yamahoko parade can be said to be a celebration by certain areas within the shrine's territory, the transporting of the shrines is an event that doubles as a ritual and a celebration for the entire shrine territory. In the past, a procession of warriors led the mikoshi. In the Middle Ages his warrior procession was made up of men called Inujinin 犬神人 who guarded the portable shrines and who were organized by the sakanomono 坂者, low ranking shrine attendants who lived at the base of hillside where the shrine was located. The practice had been passed down by the residents of Yumiya-chō 弓矢町, a neighborhood in Higashiyama-ku, Kyoto City until modern times. The warrior procession by the residents of Yumiya-chō was terminated in 1974, but even now, the “display of armor” that was used in the past is preserved at the meeting hall called the Kyūsenkaku 弓箭閣 and at each house in the neighborhood. The purpose of this paper is to examine geographically the connection between the medieval Inujinin and the residents of modern Yumiya-chō who participated in the warrior procession by grasping the social and spatial structure of the city. To this end, I focused on the chōjū 町中 who revived and reorganized the warrior procession, which had been suspended in the Meiji era, and clarified their sense of solidarity and awareness of the shrine bearers, along with the actual situation of the warrior procession at that time. In the Middle Ages, there was a strong sense that the hillside was a place where the sakanomono, including lepers lived, but it was in reality a space that had been urbanized earlier than the surrounding area, with merchants who ran shops also living in the area. In the early modern period, when lepers were socially and spatially isolated, some of the sakanomono were engaged in the bowstring and leather industry, and were called tsurumeso 弦召. By that time, the sakanomono had lost most of the benefits that they had maintained since medieval times, but their service to the Gion'e continued thereafter. In the early modern period, the upper echelon of the sakanomono became the nine elders of the community, six of whom served as bōnomono 棒之者 who mobilized the warriors of the four districts and led the Inujinin. At that time, the warrior procession was large with a total of more than 80 people and powerful enough to deflect any pressure from the authorities. However, after the middle of early modern period, when the bow and leather industry of Yumiya-chō declined, the upper-level sakanomono lost power, and the warrior procession also shrank and fell into decline. In the Meiji era, there was a change in the nature and position of the festival, from the Gion'e of the early modern period to the Gion Festival of the modern era. Taking advantage of this change, Yumiya-chō decided to suspend the warrior procession in the second year of the Meiji era (1869), severing its relationship with the Gion Shrine and the Inujinin that had been maintained since the Middle Ages. However, in the 5th year of the Meiji era, Tsuchida Sakubei 土田作兵衛 and others, who sought to create a festival for the shrine's adherents, wished fervently to revive the warrior procession and emphasize the festive ritual element. Then, after much deliberation, the whole town decided to respond positively to the request and revive the warrior procession in a new form. In addition, the rules related to serving in the role of warrior god were revised, and a new system for serving in the warrior procession was established. The contents of the procession were also transformed. In this way, the warrior procession at the modern Gion Festival was reborn as a festive ritual event. Although there are issues with its sustainability, the reorganization into a festive ritual event has prepared the way for the preservation of the warrior procession by the residents of Yumiya-chō. And the display of armor continues in the town today, with the aim of reviving the procession in the future
CARATS OPEN DATAによる福岡空港の北風運用時における交通流の現状解析と新滑走路増設後の進入方式についての提案
福岡空港は単独滑走路で運用される国内空港の中では最も交通量の多い地方空港であり,滑走路の増設が計画されているものの,常態化している混雑の解消が急務である.その中で,北風運用(RWY34)の多い冬季にはILS やRNAV ルートよりも短時間で着陸できるビジュアルアプローチが国内の主要空港としては唯一利用されている.一方,ビジュアルアプローチではオートパイロットが使用できず,非常に高いスキルとワークロードがパイロットに要求される.本稿では,CARATS OPEN DATA を利用してこのビジュアルアプローチの利用状況を解析し,ビジュアルアプローチに代わってオートパイロットの使用が可能なRNPAR方式を新設滑走路への進入方式として提案する.その実現可能性について解析するとともに,METAR データを利用して気象条件の面からも2016─2017 年のビジュアルアプローチおよびILS/RNAV アプローチに対するRNP-AR 方式の優位性について検討した結果を示す.特集 航空交通データの分析とその利活用 第8