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<論説>現代日本の音楽フェスティバルにおける地域性 (特集 : まつり)
No full text本論文の目的は、音楽フェスティバル（フェス）と呼ばれるポピュラー音楽の催しの日本におけるコロナ禍前までの展開を読み解き、現状を把握することであり、フェスが全国に広がる様子を主に定量的に考察するものである。分析にはすでに公表されている二次データのほか、筆者がおこなった質問紙調査をもとにした一次データを用いた。二次データの分析では二〇〇〇年代に確立されたフェスが二〇一〇年以降に地理的にも季節的にも広がりをみせ、主催者がプロフェッショナルから愛好者へと多様化し、裾野が広がることで地域社会に根付いたことを明らかにした。質問紙調査では、主催者とフェスが行われる地域社会の関係に注目し、それらがどのように連携し、地域からの支援を受け、地域の発展に寄与しているかを明らかにした。これらの結果からは、日本のフェスの発展は段階的であり、地域性は漸次高まっていく様がうかがえる。The purpose of this paper is to decipher the development of music festivals in Japan and to comprehend their current situation. Festivals centered on live popular music, which were mainly held outdoors on a regular basis, emerged at the end of the 20th century and are now thriving worldwide. They became popular in Japan after 2000, and today about 500 festivals are held every year. A chief characteristic of these so-called “festivals” is that they have become more regional as time has gone on. This contrasts with the tendency for oligopolistic control by overseas companies due to large-scale expansion and acquisitions by major live entertainment companies. One of the reasons for this is the diversification of organizers, with the planning and management of festivals evolving from professionals to enthusiasts as they expanded nationwide. Based on various data, this paper examines how festivals have spread throughout the country since 2000 and quantitatively examines their place in local communities. Section 1 analyzes the quantitative changes in festivals through secondary data analysis. I first use commercial sources to give an overview of market trends. Based on this and using archival information of past festivals, I confirm that festivals spread throughout the country throughout the 2000s, and that they are now enjoyed almost all year round in each season. Section 2 builds on the results of the previous section and describes how festival organizers have become more diverse. It makes clear their changing nature as a variety of actors, not just professionals, hosted them. What is important is that the change is still taking place in stages, that the organizers are diversifying from professionals to enthusiasts, and that festivals are taking root in the local community. In the early 2000s, four major festivals were established, and following large-scale festivals held by local promoters, many local festivals came to be held by artists and ordinary citizens. Section 3 examines the relationship of festivals with local communities based on the author's questionnaire survey. The survey dealt specifically with the status of cooperation between festivals and the local communities, the support that the festivals received from the communities, and the contribution of festivals to the communities. The results of the survey revealed that today's festivals are held in collaboration with and supported by local communities in various ways. In addition, it showed that the organizers are proud of their contribution to regional development and that communities have high expectations. However, festivals have not been able to contribute sufficiently to the region over the long term, such as by increasing the number of new residents, and it can be said that it is an issue that remains unresolved. Through the above analysis, it has become clear that festivals have developed in stages, that the organizers have become diversified and taken root in the local community, and that those festivals gradually took on a local character in the process
<論説>パウサニアス『ギリシア案内記』における都市景観と歴史叙述 --テゲアに関する記述を中心に--
No full text『ギリシア案内記』は、ローマ支配下のギリシア諸都市の状況を伝える同時代史料としても、諸々の神話・歴史伝承を伝える歴史史料としても第一級の価値を持つ作品である。この作品の際立った特徴は、時系列に沿った歴史叙述を空間的な経路に沿った都市景観の描写に織り込んだその独特の構成にあるが、従来の研究では、これら二つの要素は相互に切り離されて論じられることが多かった。そこで本稿では、両要素の連関に注目することによって当作品の全体像を理解するための糸口を提供することを目指す。そのためのケーススタディとして、テゲアという都市に関するパウサニアスの記述を取り上げ、これを考古資料や他の文献史料と詳細に比較することによって、都市景観の描写とそこに挿入された歴史叙述が内容的に密接な連関を持つこと、その背景には、ローマ帝政期における都市ごとの景観と記憶の再編という同時代的な文脈があったことを示す。Pausanias' Ελλάδος Περιήγησις (Description of Greece) has been a constant reference work for classical historians, both as a contemporary source reflecting the reality of Greek cities in the second century AD and as a historical work preserving now-lost literary/oral traditions. The whole picture of the work, however, has not been adequately explored due to the tendency to divide the work into two parts, namely, the descriptive part describing monuments in each city according, in most cases, to the spatial order, and the historiographical part either preceding or interposing the descriptive part. With the aim of proposing a new understanding of the whole work, this paper explores the connections between the descriptive and historiographical parts in Pausanias' Περιήγησις. As a case study, we will focus on Tegea, an Arkadian city treated in some detail at the end of the Book Eighth. The description of the city includes two remarkable historiographical narratives, the biographical section on Philopoemen and the famous list of the “benefactors of the whole Greece”. In previous studies, the description of the city and the two historical parts are analyzed separately with hardly any connection to each other. In this paper we shall synthesize the studies devoted to the individual sections of the description of Tegea and demonstrate that there is a strong anti-Spartan tendency penetrating both the descriptive and the two historiographical sections: the descriptive part includes numerous remarks concerning monuments, places, and festivals commemorating victories against Spartan invasions (mostly dated to the archaic period); Philopoemen is constantly depicted as a liberator of cities from Sparta and its successive tyrants; the list of benefactors of the whole Greece includes those who overthrew Spartan hegemonies in Greece, such as Conon and Epaminondas, not to mention the “last benefactor” Philopoemen. The comparison with other literary sources, especially Herodotus and Plutarch, which Pausanias uses or alludes with high probability, will show that he selectively chooses those aspects of the preceding sources which describe the inter-Greek struggles against Sparta. The anti-Spartan tradition of the city of Tegea itself, known from literary, inscriptional, and archaeological sources, suggests that Pausanias consciously chooses the city as the place to insert the historiographical narratives tinged with anti-Spartan tendencies. The analysis of Tegea might seem to suggest that Pausanias, moving from one city to another, sympathizes with the memories and local traditions preserved in the landscape of each city. However, the city of Mantinea, another Arkadian city also treated in the Book Eighth, shows that this is not always the case. In contrast to the description of Tegea, where Pausanias focuses on the monuments commemorating Tegean victories against Sparta, the description of the city of Mantinea focuses on two historical themes: the battle of Mantinea (362 B.C.) and the peaceful relationship of the city with the Romans. In the case of Mantinea, too, Pausanias inserts historiographical narratives related to the monuments he depicts. In this case, however, he takes distance from the local traditions and sometimes expresses disagreements. We will conclude from the comparison of the two cities that Pausanias is highly conscious of the nature of the memories each city preserves in its city landscape, and that the historiographical narratives he inserts show his sympathies or antipathizes against the local memories. Taking into consideration the constant reconstructions and recreations of the ‘pasts’ conducted in Greek cities of the early imperial era, the city landscapes, into which Pausanias inserts historiographical narratives, are themselves a kind of “historiography” which expresses a certain vision of the past through the selective preservation and allocation/relocation of monuments. By analyzing the connections between the descriptive and the historiographical parts of Pausanias' work, we can reconstruct the discourse between Pausanias and the memories and historical visions incarnated in the landscapes of the imperial Greek cities
<論説>日本の租借地大連における中国ナショナリズム --大連中華青年会のスポーツと教育--
No full text日本の租借地である大連において、中国ナショナリズムは中国本国のナショナリズムと共振しながらも、独自の展開を遂げていった。その中心となった組織が一九二〇年に設立された大連中華青年会（以下、中華青年会）である。中華青年会は活動を非政治的なものに限定することで、日本統治下の大連に中国人の公共空間を創出した。一九二〇年代半ばに中国本国でナショナリズムが高揚すると、中華青年会の活動は政治化し、日本側との対立を深める。一九二八年に会長が逮捕されると、中華青年会の活動はスポーツと初等教育に集約された。これらは非政治的とみなされたがゆえに、ナショナリズム遂行の手段となりえたのである。満洲国建国後、中華青年会は中国との関係断絶を迫られ、大連青年会と改称する。大連青年会はその存続のために「満洲国ナショナリズム」を掲げるが、かえってその存在意義を低下させ、一九三六年に解散することとなる。In Dalian, located in Japanese leased territory in China, Chinese nationalism developed in a unique way while resonating with nationalism in the rest of China. The Dalian Chinese Youth Association (CYA) 大連中 華青年会, established in 1920, was the driving force behind this development. By focusing its activities on nonpolitical ones, the CYA created a public space for the Chinese in Dalian under Japanese rule. With the rise of nationalism in China during the mid-1920s, the activities of the CYA became politicized, deepening the conflict with the Japanese. After the arrest of Fu Liyu 傅立魚, president of the CYA, by the Japanese authorities in 1928, the CYA limited its activities to sports and primary education. Since these activities were considered nonpolitical, the CYA could use them to promote nationalism in an increasingly hostile environment. After the founding of Manchukuo, the CYA was forced to sever its ties with China and to change its name to the Dalian Youth Association (DYA) 大連青年会. Advocating “Manchukuo nationalism” in order to survive, the DYA gradually lost the point of its very existence and disbanded in 1936
