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<論説>近世中期京都における「一円的都市社会」の成立 --「新規願」と惣町運動--
No full text本稿は、享保末年から宝暦期の京都で起きた、仲間結成や会所設立などを願う「新規願」とこれを否定した惣町運動を分析し、近世中期における京都の都市社会の転換について、その具体像を明らかにするものである。当該期の京都は人・モノの大量流入への対応を迫られており、それらを積極的に受け入れようとする主張と逆に排除しようとする主張の二つに割れていた状況に注目して、従来は惣町運動と二項対立的に捉えられていた「新規願」について新しい評価を与える。また結果として惣町運動により全ての「新規願」は否定されたが、その本来の目的は人口流入の激化を抑制し杜撰な請負を差し止めることにあったことを論じる。京都が中央市場として確立していく過程にも注目して、一七世紀末以降、社会秩序が流動化しボーダレス化が進む中、京都の町人自らが境界線を設定することで、「一円的都市社会」を成立させる歴史的背景を明らかにする。This paper analyzes the new petitions (shinki no negai 新規願) that sought among other goals the formation of guilds (nakama 仲間) and the establishment of meeting places (kaisho 会所) in Kyoto from the end of the Kyōho era through the Hōreki era, and the citywide movement for social control (sōchō undō 惣町運動) that rejected the shinki no negai. It thereby provides a clear picture of the transformation of urban society in Kyoto in the middle of the early-modern period. It specifically clarifies the framework of the sōchō that became increasingly important during this period and the historical background of the establishment of an “allencompassing urban society” (ichienteki toshi shakai 一円的都市社会) under which the entire city became the unified object of social control. It also clarifies the historical background of the need for the townspeople to take it upon themselves and create new boundaries during the Hōreki era and a tightly controlled urban society within the context of a social order that had become fluid and borderless since the end of the 17th century. As Kyoto was becoming a central market in the mid-18th century, local industries were threatened by the arrival of inexpensive, high-quality products from all over the country. At the same time, the demand for low-wage labor was increasing due to the increase in bidding contracts and price competition with industries throughout the country. The resulting influx of population was also a major problem. Many shinki no negai appeared in response to this large influx of people and goods. One petition' s purpose was to exclude newcomers and new entrants into the marketplace by forming a guild and establishing a meeting place to protect the rights and interests of the native merchants and manufacturers. This was an extension to the entire city of the principles of individual urban neighborhoods whose codes severely restricted the number of residents. In contrast, others were intended to establish meeting places for those with tenant contracts (shakuyasei 借屋請) and renewed meeting places (aratamekaisho 改会所) for indentured servants (hōkōnin 奉公人), changing the status quo so that those who wished to come and reside in the city and enter the marketplace could easily do so, and they would be positively received. The urban structure of early modern Kyoto was strongly discriminatory. People could not move or work in Kyoto without a tenant contract or a renewed letter of indentured service prepared by a householder. The character of the shinki no negai that sought to exclude newcomers and new entrants to the marketplace was an effort to maintain this conventional urban social structure. On the other hand, the shinki no negai seeking the establishment of meeting places for tenants and indentured servants had a more public character in the sense that it denied the privileges that could only be enjoyed by householders, townspeople and tenants who had ties with the townspeople, and would change the closed social order to one that was open to all those who wanted to come and reside or enter the marketplace. For this reason, the establishment of meeting places for tenants and for indentured servants would have been to actively eliminate the discriminatory structure, but the sōchō movement that was jointly developed by all the urban neighborhoods of Kyoto decided to suspend all shinki no negai. As I have demonstrated above, the sōchō movement was retrogressive in aiming to maintain the traditional discriminatory social structure by suppressing the earnest voices of shinki no negai applicants and the lower classes, but the shinki no negai were also problematic, biased toward excessive economic rationality and efficiency. There was a risk that repeated applications for firefighting contracts would be undertaken at no cost, that the work would they be seen as a secondary to primary occupations, and that they would be conducted in a dilatory manner. There was also a problem with the contracts for the establishment of meeting places for tenants and indentured servants, with a risk that the contracts would be crudely fashioned and the location of responsibility ambiguous. If these shinki no negai were approved, the urban structure would be changed completely, there would be a risk of frequent large fires, and that traditional townspeople would lose employment and fall into economic ruin. The sōchō movement arose to suspend these shinki no negai. As shown above, this paper makes clear that amidst the economic and social changes involving all parts of the country that were taking place in the middle of the 18th century, the people of Kyoto had no choice but to establish an all-encompassing urban society that was completely controlled for self-protection and self-defense.本稿は、二〇一四年度日本史研究会大会における近世史部会共同研究報告および報告を原稿化した、拙稿「一八世紀の社会変動と三都」（『日本史研究』六三一、二〇一五）のうち、「第三章「新規願」と京都の惣町運動」について、関係史料全般を読み直して新たに起稿したものです
<論説>山城国海印三昧寺の創立
No full text九世紀前半に、東大寺の華厳僧道雄が山城国乙訓郡に建てた海印三昧寺は、これまでは、当該期の御願寺や華厳宗を論じる素材としてのみ扱われてきた。しかし、その実像を正面から分析した研究は多くない。本稿では同寺の史資料を精査し、その歴史像を立体的に復元することを目指した。海印寺は、日本華厳宗の伝統教学を否定して革新教学を創始し、宗の再生を図るための拠点として創立された。同寺は人跡未踏の山奥に立つ山林寺院であったが、その立地は伝統教学から物理的に距離を取ることを目的としていた。創立当初には文徳天皇との人格的紐帯を命綱としたが、清和朝以降、天皇家との関係は薄れていく。それでも、国土保安の祈願所かつ東大寺華厳宗の母胎として、一一世紀中葉までは存在感を保持していた。古代海印寺の生きざまを追究した本研究は、平安時代の華厳宗発達史論や寺院制度史論などに、新たな論点を提供するものでもある。Kaiin Zanmaiji Temple 海印三昧寺 was built in the first half of the 9th century on Mount Konokamiyama 木上山 in Otokuni-gun, Yamashiro Province by the Kegon monk Dōō 道雄 of Tōdaiji Temple. Kaiin Zanmaiji has been the subject of many studies in the past when discussing goganji 御願寺 (imperial vow temples) and the Kegon sect. However, there have been no studies that have directly addressed its history. This paper attempts to provide an examination of the temple that will serve as a first step for further research. Kaiinji Temple 海印寺 has been understood in the past as a Kegon temple with multi-sectarian with multi-scholastic traditions. However, a close reading of the dajōkanpu (order of the Council of State) dated the 22ⁿᵈ day of the third month of Kashō 4 (851), which is a basic historical record of Kaiinji, makes clear that the common view is incorrect. Rather, it should be understood as a site of practice for the specialized study of Kegon doctrine alone. Dōō requested the Imperial Court to designate Kaiinji, which he had built, a jōgakuji 定額寺 (government-sanctioned temple) and to appoint a kugyō-bettō 公卿別当 (chief administrator appointed from high-ranking court nobles) and nenbundosha 年分度者 (yearly ordinands). The purpose of this request was to establish a system for the perpetuation of his original doctrinal views and practice at Kaiinji. At that time, the Japanese Kegon sect was on the verge of decline, both politically and scholastically, having been swallowed up by other sects. Dōō saw that the cause of the decline lay in traditional doctrine, and he sought to revitalize the Kegon sect by implementing drastic doctrinal reforms. Kaiinji was built and maintained as a base for this purpose. In other words, Kaiinji was the stronghold of the Dōō school of the Kegon sect and a bridgehead for the Kegon reform movement. Researchers have sought to discover the site of ancient Kaiinji in the area around Jakushōin Temple 寂照院, located in Myōjinmae, Oku-Kaiinji, Nagaokakyō City in Kyoto Prefecture. However, there is no historical or archaeological evidence to suggest that ancient Kaiinji was located in the Jakushōin area. In fact, historically speaking, ancient Kaiinji should be located on Mount Konokamiyama, which rises to the west of Jakushōin. I have concluded, based on several field surveys and Heian-period landscape reconstructions, that ancient Kaiinji temple existed in the Matsutakeo area of the mountain. The site was an unexplored area deep in the mountain in pre-modern times. The reason Dōō built Kaiinji deep in the mountain was to physically remove the monks of Kaiinji from the traditional doctrines to achieve doctrinal reform. On the other hand, Kaiinji was also granted various benefits by the Imperial Court. A detailed analysis of these favors reveals that Kaiinji had a personal relationship with the emperor as an individual. Particularly prominent was Kaiinji's relationship with Emperor Montoku 文徳天皇. For example, immediately after Montoku's accession to the throne, Dōō and his family received special treatment. It is certain that there were personal ties between Dōō and Emperor Montoku. The day of the annual installment of ordinands at Kaiinji Temple itself was set on the national anniversary of Emperor Montoku's death, and it can be assumed that the monks of Kaiinji were responsible for protecting Montoku. It should also be noted that the institution of the yearly ordinands at Kaiinji was the day after the first anniversary of the death of Emperor Montoku's father, Emperor Ninmyō 仁明天皇. For the Montoku line of the monarchy, protecting Kaiinji had the advantage of providing religious protection for the new emperor as his reign was about to begin in earnest. However, Kaiinji's survival strategy was not built solely on the protection of the emperor; the protection of Buddhism and the security of the nation were also important components. Moreover, when Kaiinji lost its link to royal authority with the deaths of Dōō and Montoku, it abandoned the path of maintaining its power by clinging to its link with the emperor. Instead, Kaiinji sought its raison d'etre in national security and the protection of Buddhism, especially the latter. In other words, Kaiinji could no longer rise to the status of goganji. Nevertheless, Kaiinji contributed greatly to the revival and development of the Kegon sect at Tōdaiji. In the middle of the 10th century, Kochi 光 智, a follower of Dōō, founded Sonshōin 尊勝院 at Tōdaiji as a new center of Kegon Buddhism. This was proof that the Dōō school based at Kaiinji had finally succeeded in putting down roots within Tōdaiji. Thereafter, Kaiinji Temple maintained its existence as a valuable training base for supplying full-fledged Kegon monks to Sonshōin. However, it seems that this value was gradually lost as Sonshōin became more and more prosperous. By the 12th century, Kaiinji was completely incorporated into Sonshōin
Why do Japanese menus have images? Japanese auto-scopophilia is massage not message
No full text本研究では、日本のレストランのメニューにはイメージが多い理由を探るために、未知の食事の内容を映像的に知らせるため・映像のなさで高級であることを発信するためという情報伝達仮説と、来客の行動を客体化し欲望を高めるという「マッサージ」（McLuhan、1957）仮説を検証した。情報伝達仮説はいずれも支持されなかったが、マッサージ仮説が有意に支持されたので、既知且つ高級な料理の場合でも、メニューに映像を掲載することを推薦した
国債利回り, 貸付利子率, 預金利子率の決定について
No full textIn IS-LM model, it seems difficult to intuitively understand the concept of money market. Therefore, in this paper we present a simple economic model that explains the determination of loan interest rates, deposit interest rates, and government bond yields without using the concept of a money market
