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コロナ禍におけるオンライン教育 : 中国と日本における諸ケース
No full textOnline education has strongly developed during the COVID-19 pandemic. While public schools in Japan were off to a slow start, China became a pioneer in online education under the policy of "classes stop but learning continues." On the other hand, this drastic educational reform was painful, although the situation was better than in Japan. In this paper, we present both relevant literature and local examples in order to consider from various perspectives
中国の廃プラスチック輸入禁止措置の産業連関分析
No full textThis study uses the International Input-Output Table to estimate the impact on Japan of China's ban on the import of waste plastics implemented at the end of 2017. Initially, by employing an econometric model, it was estimated that Japan's total waste plastic emissions decreased by an average of 39,000 tons from 2018 to 2022 due to China's ban on waste plastic imports. This reduction corresponds to 0.46% of the average annual total waste plastic emissions. Assuming a proportional relationship between Japan's total waste plastic emissions and domestic production, it was projected that the domestic production would decrease by an average of 0.46% annually. Furthermore, due to the anticipated decrease in Japan's production leading to a reduction in the import of intermediate goods from China and other countries, the study used the modified Leontief inverse matrix derived from the International Input-Output Table to calculate the negative economic multiplier effects （decrease in production） on China and other countries resulting from the decrease in Japan's production. As a result, we showed that, on average, from 2018 to 2022, China's ban on waste plastic imports had a negative economic multiplier effect of 4.2 trillion yen in Japan, 119.5 billion yen in China, and 5.0 trillion yen in the world
<論説>豊国大明神の近世～近代 (特集 : まつり)
No full text慶長四年（一五九七）、豊国大明神（豊臣秀吉）を祀るために京都東山に創建された豊国社は、豊臣家の滅亡後、元和元年（一六一五）に破却された。天明五年（一七八五）、その跡地にある新日吉社内に樹下社が創建され、豊国大明神の祭祀が復活する。樹下社を会場とした秀吉ゆかりの品々の開帳では、当時の太閤記物の人気もあり盛況であった。ここでは豊国大明神は開運を叶える神とされる。しかし、後期水戸学など国学諸派のなかで、聚楽第行幸や朝鮮出兵が秀吉の勤王の表れだと考えられるようになった。そうした思想が、慶応四年（一八六八）の豊国神社再興の沙汰にも影響を与え、秀吉が、天皇に忠誠を誓い海外へその威光を知らしめた人民の亀鑑とされたる流れに繫がる。なおその沙汰では、豊国神社を大坂に再興する旨が書かれていたが、元来豊国社があった京都で大坂遷座に対する反対運動がおこり、最終的に京都に豊国神社が再興され、豊国廟が整えられた。Toyokuni Shrine, which was built in the Higashiyama area of Kyoto in 1597 to enshrine Toyokuni Daimyōjin (Toyotomi Hideyoshi), was destroyed in 1615 after the fall of the Toyotomi family. In 1665, a request was submitted to the Edo shogunate for the restoration of Toyokuni Shrine. It was granted, but the permission was later revoked when a letter stating Ieyasu's intention to have Myōhōin manage the site was discovered. This shows that the Edo shogunate believed that even if Toyokuni Shrine was revived, it would not pose a political threat. Then, in 1785, with the discovery of the sacred body 神体 of Toyokuni Daimyōjin inside the grounds of Ima-Hie Shrine, which was located on the site of the original Toyokuni Shrine, Konomoto Shrine 樹下社 was founded and the rituals for Toyokuni Daimyōjin were revived. In the exhibition of items related to Hideyoshi, held at Konomoto Shrine, was a great success due to the popularity of the Taikōki at the time. Here, Toyokuni Daimyōjin was said to be the god that grants wishes and bestows good fortune. However, in the later Mito-gaku and other schools of Kokugaku thought, the imperial progress to the Jurakudai and the dispatch of troops to Korea came to be considered as manifestations of Hideyoshi's loyalty to the throne. I also confirmed that people who were at the center of the new government and had influence on the policy of rituals were also influenced by these ideas. Such ideas influenced the drive to restore Toyokuni Shrine in 1868, and led to Hideyoshi being regarded as an exemplar of the people who pledged allegiance to the emperor and made his glory known overseas. The drive included a written report stating that Toyokuni Shrine would be rebuilt in Osaka, but a movement opposed to the relocation to Osaka arose in Kyoto, where Toyokuni Shrine was originally located. This is deeply related to the situation in Kyoto where a sense of crisis over the deterioration of the city after the capital was moved to Tokyo prevailed. It was probably hoped that the restoration of Toyokuni Shrine would revitalize Kyoto's economy and culture. As the search for a new shrine site progressed in Osaka, representatives from Kyoto continued to request that the Ministry of Education rescind the move to Osaka and revive the shrine in Kyoto. In 1875, it was decided to revive the shrine in Kyoto because the location of the original mausoleum was clearly known, and a grand groundbreaking was held the following year. On the other hand, the Konomoto Shrine within Ima-Hie Shrine had to be relocated to make way for the path leading to Hideyoshi's mausoleum, and it was kept separate from the rituals at Toyokuni Shrine. It can be surmised that the reason why the land around Mt. Amidamine in Higashiyama was recognized by the government and the people of Kyoto as the most suitable site for Toyokuni Daimyōjin's mausoleum and shrine is that it was the historic location of the mausoleum, and early-modern events prevented it from fading from memory, such as the existence of Hōkōji Temple, the popularity of the Taikōki and the establishment of Konomoto Shrine. Meanwhile, a separate shrine was built in Osaka in 1879, and people who wished to commemorate Hideyoshi remained active, leading to the later reconstruction of Osaka Castle. Hideyoshi served as a role model for the people, but this was only possible because of his image as a deity who granted success in life, which had existed since early modern times, and the popularization of his image through works such as the Taikōki
<研究ノート>戦国期出雲国杵築の「室」「室中」について
No full textIn the Sengoku period during the 16th century, an entity called the muro 室 and a group called the Murochū 室中existed in the town around Kizuki Taisha in Izumo Province. There are two understandings of the word muro; one which interprets it as a kōjimuro 麹室, a chamber to prepare malted rice for sake brewing, and another that interprets it as a gokushuku 御供宿, lodgings offered by the Kizuki oshi 御師, who provided support and lodgings when believers visited the shrine from remote areas, or as the right to provide them. The latter interpretation has become the scholarly consensus. Based on this latter interpretation, the Murochū has been understood as a local or urban community group formed by the masters. In addition, it has also been pointed out that in terms of the relationship between the Amago clan 尼子氏, who were the Sengoku daimyo of Izumo Province, and the Murochū, the Amago clan controlled the interests of the masters as a muro, organizing them into a privileged group called the Murochū, thereby incorporating the activities of the masters into the circuit of regional control. However, some historical sources suggest that the words muro and gokushuku referred to two different things, and there is room to reconsider the above-mentioned interpretations of muro and the nature of the Murochū based on it, as well as its relationship with the Sengoku daimyo. In the first section, we reexamined the character of the muro by selecting all available historical materials related to the Kizuki muro and examining them in chronological order. As a result, the following facts became clear: 1) the Kizuki muro were as important as the privileges of the gokushuku and housing sites in the distribution economy, 2) the number of muro was limited to 15~16 by the Eiroku era, and the Amago clan was actively involved in determining the number of muro, 3) the Kokuzō of Kizuki Taisha had significant rights in regard to the muro, but these rights were altered due to the intervention of the Amago clan, and eventually the rights to adjudicate and confirm ownership of the muro fell into the hands of the Amago, 4) the muro were taxed, but the Amago left their collection to the Kokuzō, 5) the Murochū were composed of the owners of the muro and were an organization that sought to protect its privileges through ties with the Amago and in disputes with the general public, the Amago initially recognized claims from both sides in disputes over the muro, but eventually ended up accepting the claims of the Murochū. In section 2, we examined matters related to the muro including the gokushuku as well as the kōji chambers of the sake business, along with examples from surrounding areas. As a result, we made clear that 1) based on Amago clan documents, the Amago treated the gokushuku and muro as different things, 2) that the Amago tended to avoid intervening in disputes regarding the gokushuku, but in contrast tried to become actively involved with the muro by confirming rights and judicating disputes, 3) that there was also a muro in the village adjacent to Gakuen-ji Temple, which was closely related to Kizuki Taisha, and that it was taxed, and that it is thought that this muro refers to a kōji chamber because it was recorded together with the tax on dark blue dyeing associated with brewing, and it can be said that the “muro tax” imposed under the daimyo rule in Izumo Province was a tax on kōji chambers, 4) that the Tsubouchi clan who were owners of muro, were engaged in the sake business, and in the government relief for the Mori clan, there were two issues: outstanding accounts on sales of sake and the muro, and thus there is a high possibility that the two were related. Based on the above findings, this paper points out that muro likely refers to a kōji chamber and the right to brew and sell sake that used a kōji chamber, and that the Murochū can be understood as a za-like organization formed by influential merchants to protect the privileges of the sake business under the guarantee of the Amago daimyo during the Sengoku period. It is possible to reevaluate the series of trends invoving the Kizuki muro as examples of the control of the regional distribution economy under Sengoku daimyo rule and its impact on the region
<論説>古代ギリシア世界の祭りと弁論 --アリステイデス『パンアテナイア祭演説』の分析-- (特集 : まつり)
No full text本稿は、紀元二世紀のギリシア人弁論家アイリオス・アリステイデスが著した祭典演説『パンアテナイア祭演説』を、従来軽視されてきた祭りの文脈、特に古代ギリシアにおける祭りの重要な構成要素である競技の観点から捉え直すことで、当時の祭りと言論の関係を明らかにする。都市アテナイの伝統的祝祭であるパンアテナイア祭を舞台とする同弁論は、古典期の軍功をはじめとするアテナイの優越性を称賛するものだが、その事績は、他都市や同じアテナイ人の祖先を相手とする競技としてしばしば語られている。このような語りは、かつてのプレゼンスを失い変容していた同時代のアテナイを鼓舞する一方で、同弁論自体が、名誉獲得を目指すアリステイデス自身の競技として位置づけられる。以上により、祭りの重要なファクターである競技の要素を有機的に組み込んだ弁論によって、祭りの場ならではの政治的言論空間が提示されえたことが判明する。This paper reinterprets the relationship between ancient Greek festivals and their panegyrics through a reassessment of Aelius Aristides' Panathenaic Oration, composed in the second century AD. Specifically, the analysis centers on features of agonistic competition, an essential component of ancient festivals. Considerable research has been conducted into ancient Greek festivals, with a significant focus on their ritualistic aspects. However, adequate attention has not been directed towards the panegyrics that were an integral part of the celebrations. In particular, these speeches have only been investigated in terms of their rhetoric and structure or as political messages devoid of the context of the festival. The Panathenaic Oration written by Aelius Aristides, which is the subject of this paper, extensively praises the mythical and historical achievements of Athens, specifically its military exploits during the classical era. Previous scholarship has emphasized Athen's history or its recounting in the Roman imperial period with little regard to the festive context. This study, therefore, explores the correlation between the oratory and the festival context, especially the use of agonistic analogy that is scattered throughout the Panathenaic Oration. In Aristides' Panathenaic Oration, he often compares Athenian military actions such as the Battle of Marathon during the Persian War metaphorically with and agonistic competitions, like foot races, during festive occasions. Depicted similarly are Athenians competing against the Greek cities of Sparta and Corinth. Furthermore, Aristides describes the Athenians as also competing against their own ancestors. This description seems to have been deeply conscious of the context of Panathenaea, the primary festival in Athens characterized by its various competitive contests. Next, I examine this narrative's importance and the background of Athens' transformation in the mid-second century when the speech was produced. This period of change resulted in a loss of Athenian influence, including the decline of the Attic dialect, according to other historical sources. It was within this context that the games parable in the speech aimed to motivate contemporary Athens to revive its cultural heritage and surpass its earlier accomplishments. The account was important because Aristides himself, on the path to recovery from illness, was also participating in the speech competition to enhance his reputation as a rhetor. Conventionally, panegyrics during festivals have been considered a combination of declamatory speech with rhetorical flourishes and political oration without heavy emphasis on the festive background. This paper presents evidence that the competitive element that was an essential part of festivals served as a crucial link between the two categories. As Burckhardt argued, the spirit of agôn that pervaded ancient Greek society provided a unique opportunity for political discussion during festivals. The competitive elements of the speech and the agonistic framework of the festivals facilitated this environment