Conjuntura Austral: Journal of the Global South
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Marine Spatial Planning: spaces of protection and conservation, sovereignty and development
The research question is whether Marine Spatial Planning is a tool, a methodology, a political process, or a combination of the three. Thus, this paperprovides an understanding of Marine Spatial Planning: its origins, historical analysis, development, implications, and agendas, both globally and in Brazil.Concepts like politics, economics, law, the environment, geography, and strategy employed in ocean studies, which are always changing and beingtalked about in terms of how they work together and clash, are used as theoretical references. The research methodology employs an extensive bibliographicalreview of primary and secondary sources while prioritizing qualitative analytic methods. Conclusions are drawn about the international maritimecommunity's understanding of Marine Spatial Planning, specifically its role in enhancing ocean governance and restructuring state marine territories,as well as the intricate connections between these aspects. In Brazil, despite the relative priority of political power in the last decade, given Brazil'sinternational commitments, Marine Spatial Planning is still in its early stages, with not much expressed in effective domestic actions.The research question is whether Marine Spatial Planning is a tool, a methodology, a political process, or a combination of the three. Thus, this paper provides an understanding of Marine Spatial Planning: its origins, historical analysis, development, implications, and agendas, both globally and in Brazil. Concepts like politics, economics, law, the environment, geography, and strategy employed in ocean studies, which are always changing and being talked about in terms of how they work together and clash, are used as theoretical references. The research methodology employs an extensive bibliographical review of primary and secondary sources while prioritizing qualitative analytic methods. Conclusions are drawn about the international maritime community's understanding of Marine Spatial Planning, specifically its role in enhancing ocean governance and restructuring state marine territories, as well as the intricate connections between these aspects. In Brazil, despite the relative priority of political power in the last decade, given Brazil's international commitments, Marine Spatial Planning is still in its early stages, with not much expressed in effective domestic actions
A Área de Comércio Livre Continental Africano (AfCFTA) e a Agenda 2063: a integração regional e os desafios do desenvolvimento econômico na África
This article analyzes the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and its implications for the integration of Africa. Therefore, as a research problem, the question arises of how the AfCFTA impacts the deepening of integration between African economies and the advancement of African Union's Agenda 2063. As a hypothesis to the previous question, it is stated that the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) not only increases intra-Africa trade, but also the accomplishment of the Aspirations and Objectives of Agenda 2063. In relation to the methodology, this article made use of the review and analysis of documents from the African Development Bank, the World Bank and United Nations bodies and agencies. It is concluded, therefore, that the AfCFTA should considerably advance the goals of Agenda 2063 and increase intra-regional trade between African states. However, the free trade agreement and its deliberations tend to be insufficient to foster an autonomous development process in Africa based on productivity, accentuating the economic disparities between the regions of Africa. Thus, it is imperative that the African Union adopt measures that mitigate AfCFTA uneven effects across the continent.O artigo faz uma interpretação possível dos relatórios de instituições internacionais acerca das implicações da Área de Comércio Livre Continental Africana (AfCFTA) para a integração da África e a sua relação com a Agenda 2063. Portanto, como problema de pesquisa, investiga-se como a AfCFTA impacta a integração regional da África e o avanço da Agenda 2063 da União Africana. A hipótese do artigo é que o acordo da AfCFTA estimula o comércio intrafricano e a concretização da Agenda 2063. Assim, o objetivo principal é analisar a relação entre a AfCFTA e a Agenda 2063, contrastando o papel da integração regional e do desenvolvimento econômico. Em relação à metodologia, o artigo realiza uma análise crítica, a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, dos relatórios do Banco Africano de Desenvolvimento, do Banco Mundial e das Nações Unidas. Conclui-se que a AfCFTA deve avançar as metas da Agenda 2063 e aumentar o comércio africano. No entanto, o acordo de livre comércio tende a ser insuficiente para alavancar um processo autônomo de desenvolvimento, de modo a acentuar as disparidades econômicas entre as regiões africanas. Assim, torna-se imperativo que a União Africana mitigue os efeitos desiguais da AfCFTA ao longo do continente
Acuerdo de Liquidez en Renminbi entre China y el Banco de Pagos Internacionales y el Sistema Monetario y Financiero Internacional
China recently signed the Renminbi Liquidity Agreement with the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) to establish a fund that can provide liquidity support in times of financial volatility to its participants. The agreement initially included countries in Asia and the Pacific region. The agreement is part of the People’s Bank of China’s stated policy of currency internationalization. This paper, using bibliographical and documentary methodology, analyzes said policy, as well as the recent agreement and the current geopolitical situation in the world, based on Keynes' theory of the centrality of money in capitalist dynamics and post-Keynesian theory, which explains the hierarchical functioning of currencies in the International Monetary and Financial System. As this is an object of research whose developments are still ongoing, some of the considerations are rather analytical. Notwithstanding, we propose that the possibilities created by China’s measures are capable of, if not breaking, at least distorting the dollar’s hegemony in world financial transactions.China firmó recientemente el Acuerdo de Liquidez en Renminbi con el Banco de Pagos Internacionales (BPI) para establecer un fondo que pueda brindar apoyo de liquidez a sus participantes en tiempos de volatilidad financiera. El acuerdo incluía inicialmente a países de la región de Asia y el Pacífico. El acuerdo es parte de la política declarada de internacionalización monetaria del Banco Popular de China. Este artículo analiza dicha política, así como el reciente acuerdo y la situación geopolítica actual en el mundo, con base en la teoría de Keynes sobre los diferentes roles de la moneda y en la teoría poskeynesiana, que explica el funcionamiento jerárquico de las monedas en el sistema internacional. Sistema Monetario y Financiero. Como se trata de un objeto de investigación cuyos desarrollos aún están en curso, algunas de las consideraciones son más bien analíticas. No obstante, proponemos que las posibilidades creadas por las medidas de China son capaces de, si no romper, al menos distorsionar la hegemonía del dólar en las transacciones financieras mundiales.
O Anticomunismo na Política Externa Brasileira no século XX: Da Primeira República ao governo Dutra
In recent years, Brazilian Foreign Policy has been characterized by the return of Anticommunism, specifically during the Bolsonaro government between 2019 and 2022. However, this policy is not new in the country's international relations, since it was already used in the previous century. The objective of this paper is to analyze anticommunism in Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP) in part during the 20th century, in order to show how this policy was constructed in some historical moments, such as in the First Brazilian Republic, in the Vargas government and in the Dutra government. To this end, as a methodology, discourse analysis in official speeches and specialized literature will be used in order to understand how anticommunism appears in BFP and refine its positions. In terms of results, it is argued that BFP is characterized by an anticommunist tradition in some historical moments of the country, and that this characteristic has harmed national interests.Nos últimos anos, a Política Externa Brasileira esteve caracterizada pelo retorno do Anticomunismo, especificamente no período do governo Bolsonaro entre 2019 e 2022. Entretanto, essa política não é uma novidade nas relações internacionais do país, porque já foi utilizada no século anterior. O objetivo do trabalho é analisar o anticomunismo na Política Externa Brasileira (PEB) em parte do século XX, a fim de mostrar como essa política foi construída em alguns momentos históricos, tais como, na Primeira República, no governo Vargas e no governo Dutra. Para tanto, como metodologia, utilizar-se-á da análise de discurso em pronunciamentos oficiais e na literatura especializada no intuito de perceber como aparece o anticomunismo na PEB. Em termos de resultados, argumenta-se que a PEB é caracterizada por uma tradição anticomunista em alguns momentos históricos do país, e que essa característica prejudicou os interesses nacionais
Autonomia e seus constrangimentos: política externa do terceiro governo Lula
O artigo tem como objetivo compreender a inserção internacional do Brasil no terceiro mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (iniciado em 2023). Sugere-se neste trabalho que o governo tem perseguido o objetivo de autonomia procurando repetir os mesmos elementos da política externa da década de 2000, porém sofrendo constrangimentos tanto de ordem interna, quanto internacional. Internamente, os constrangimentos estão ligados a uma maior organização de grupos e partidos de direita e extrema-direita no sistema político brasileiro, aliada à fraca recuperação econômica pós-crise da pandemia do Covid-19. Por outro, os constrangimentos externos envolvem o aumento na competição entre as grandes potências, a instabilidade política e econômica da América Latina e a crescente presença econômica chinesa da região. Apesar disso, a política externa autonomista do terceiro governo Lula tem sido vista nas relações com as grandes e médias potências, nos intercâmbios com os vizinhos sul-americanos e na busca por influência na construção da arquitetura global de poder
O Legislativo na Guarda dos Guardiães: uma análise quantitativa das ações de controle externo na área de defesa
Spending effectiveness is one of the attributes verified by society in relation to public body mission. This measurement can be carried out through audit activities, whether internal or external, which in Brazil’s case, attributed to Federal Court of Auditors, here TCU, which acts primarily in the activity of supervising the public resources application. With regard to performance effectiveness of defense bodies, there are structures within parliament that deal with the subject: the Committee on Foreign Affairs and National Defense, both in the Chamber of Deputies, and the counterpart in Federal Senate.
This work analyzed the TCU processes opened by body that deals with Defense matters. In a total of 22,541 judgments handed down in 2022, only 62 came from the sector responsible for analyzing Defense matters, and this number is noteworthy due to the fact that the Ministry of Defense represents the third country largest budget, next to education and health.
This finding corroborates the lack of attention to defense issues on the part of society, as well as the defense issues technicality, generating a trench that civilians do not enter.A hipótese de que no Brasil há um déficit de atenção em assuntos de defesa carece de pesquisas quantitativas para a sua confirmação. A avaliação da eficiência e eficácia do gasto com defesa pode ser realizada por meio das atividades de controle externo, que, no caso do Brasil, é atribuição do Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU). No que tange à avaliação da efetividade dos órgãos de defesa, essa verificação pode ocorrer em estruturas dentro do Parlamento: as Comissões de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional, tanto na Câmara dos Deputados como no Senado Federal. Este trabalho analisou os processos abertos pelo órgão especializado dentro do TCU que trata dos assuntos de Defesa, bem como as deliberações das Comissões Temáticas do Parlamento. Utilizando métodos qualitativo e quantitativo, foram analisados os acórdãos proferidos pelo TCU entre os anos de 2018 e 2022; e, por meio de análise de conteúdo, também foram analisadas as deliberações relacionadas ao assunto defesa nas Comissões Permanentes. As conclusões confirmam as hipóteses de que há um déficit de atenção do corpo político nos assuntos de defesa e também identificaram uma cadeia causal do fenômeno, na qual esse déficit decorre também da tecnicidade da temática defesa
O desenvolvimento da Hidrovia Uruguai-Brasil: Atos de Fala nas Atas da Secretaria Técnica
The general objective was to analyze the speech acts recorded in the minutes of the meetings of the Technical Secretariat for the Uruguay-Brazil Waterway, set up through the Agreement between Brazil and Uruguay on River and Lake Transport on the Uruguay-Brazil Waterway, signed in 2010. It is in this bilateral body that the parties seek convergence on technical and operational aspects for the implementation of the project. After more than ten years, fifteen meetings have taken place without the waterway being implemented. Understanding speech acts as those that lead the parties to action, it is assumed that they involve words with the potential to shape social reality. The aim is to prove or refute the hypothesis that compromising speech acts are more present in the records over the period analyzed (2010-2021), suggesting the parties` commitment with the project. This is qualitative research, with content analysis of documentary and bibliographic sources and an analytical purpose. The study allows us to consider that the compromissory acts, although not the main ones, appear in an equivalent number between the parties, suggesting that both Brazil and Uruguay remain pragmatically committed to the project, despite the challenges to harmonize actions and mechanisms for implementation. O objetivo geral deste trabalho consiste em analisar os atos de fala registrados nas atas das reuniões da Secretaria Técnica para a Hidrovia Uruguai-Brasil, constituída por meio do Acordo entre o Brasil e o Uruguai sobre o Transporte Fluvial e Lacustre na Hidrovia Uruguai-Brasil, firmado em 2010. É nessa instância bilateral que as partes buscam convergências sobre aspectos técnico-operacionais para a implementação do projeto. Passados mais de dez anos, quinze reuniões ocorreram sem que a hidrovia tenha sido implementada. Entendendo os atos de fala como aqueles que levam as partes à ação, parte-se do pressuposto de que envolvem palavras com potencial para moldar a realidade social. Busca-se comprovar a hipótese de que os atos de fala compromissórios são mais presentes nos registros ao longo do recorte temporal analisado (2010-2021), sugerindo comprometimento das partes com o projeto. Trata-se de pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, com análise de conteúdo de fontes documentais (atas) e bibliográficas e finalidade analítica. Os resultados permitem considerar que os atos compromissórios, embora não sejam os principais, aparecem em número equivalente entre as partes, sugerindo que tanto o Brasil quanto Uruguai seguem pragmaticamente engajados com o projeto, apesar dos desafios para harmonizar ações e mecanismos para sua implementação
The WPS Agenda in the African Union Peace and Security Council: contributions, challenges and opportunities
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the initiatives related to the Women, Peace and Security Agenda of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union since 2000, when United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 was launched. It seeks to answer the following question: to what extent has the PSC contributed to the implementation of the UNSC's “Women, Peace and Security” Agenda on the African continent? It considers the hypothesis that the PSC works on this issue based on four pillars from a holistic and integrated perspective, even if it has not achieved the full realisation of these measures. The research methodology consists of document analysis and is based on a qualitative approach, supported by a literature review. The main documents analysed were resolutions, meeting minutes, official PSC reports, and the Continental Framework Results indicators. The main results were that the PSC's conception of gender actions, despite following a “UN” model, is broader and more integrated. Although the Women, Peace and Security Agenda has been introduced at the normative level, there are still a series of implementation challenges.Este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las iniciativas de la Agenda Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad del Consejo de Paz y Seguridad de la Unión Africana, a partir del año 2000, período en el que se lanzó la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. El objetivo es responder a la siguiente pregunta: ¿en qué medida la CPS ha contribuido a la implementación de la Agenda “Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad” del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas en el continente africano? Se supone que la CPS trabaja este tema basándose en cuatro pilares desde una perspectiva holística e integrada, aunque estas medidas no se hayan implementado en su totalidad. La metodología consta de análisis documental y parte de un enfoque cualitativo, apoyado en una revisión bibliográfica. Los principales documentos analizados son Resoluciones, actas de reuniones, informes oficiales del CPS e indicadores de Resultados del Marco Continental. Como principales resultados se concluyó que la concepción del CPS en torno a acciones enfocadas en género, a pesar de seguir una guía de Naciones Unidas, es más integral e integrada. Aunque la Agenda de Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad se ha introducido a nivel normativo, todavía existen desafíos para su implementación.This paper analyses the initiatives related to the Women, Peace and Security Agenda of the African Union Peace and Security Council (PSC) since 2000, when the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 was launched. It seeks to answer the following question: How does the PSC conception of the WPS Agenda differ from the UNSC perspective, and how is this approach observed in PSC initiatives? The hypothesis is that the PSC’s approach is rooted in a human security concept, implementing the WPS Agenda holistically by linking women’s security with development. The research methodology consists of a documental analysis and is based on a qualitative approach, supported by a feminist literature review through Global South perspectives. The main documents analysed were resolutions, meeting minutes and official PSC reports, and the Continental Framework Results. The main results express that, although the WPS Agenda has experienced great progress at the normative level, there is still a gap between the concept adopted and the practical actions undertaken, given the lack of coordination with States and regional organisations, the absence of adequate funding and the insufficient initiatives associating security and social-economic development
Book Review: Ferreira, Marcos Alan (Ed.) 2022. Peace and Violence in Brazil: Reflections on the Roles of State, Organized Crime and Civil Society. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies
The book “Peace and Violence in Brazil: Reflections on the Roles of State, Organized Crime, and Civil Society”, edited by Marcos Alan Ferreira, provides a comprehensive analysis of the persistence and causes of violence in Brazil. It argues that social inequality, fragile state institutions, and actions by both state actors and criminal groups contribute significantly to high violence levels. The book employs a Peace Studies framework, emphasizing structural and cultural dimensions, such as the normalization of violence and social exclusion, as key to understanding this issue. Moreover, it highlights the roles of civil society, education, and institutional reforms in fostering peace. In addition, the book explores alternative strategies for reducing violence, including peace education and advocacy by non-governmental organizations. However, the analysis would benefit from incorporating an economic perspective, particularly regarding how illicit markets perpetuate violence. This addition could enhance the book’s scope, offering a fuller understanding of violence in Brazil.The book “Peace and Violence in Brazil: Reflections on the Roles of State, Organized Crime, and Civil Society”, edited by Marcos Alan Ferreira, provides a comprehensive analysis of the persistence and causes of violence in Brazil. It argues that social inequality, fragile state institutions, and actions by both state actors and criminal groups contribute significantly to high violence levels. The book employs a Peace Studies framework, emphasizing structural and cultural dimensions, such as the normalization of violence and social exclusion, as key to understanding this issue. Moreover, it highlights the roles of civil society, education, and institutional reforms in fostering peace. In addition, the book explores alternative strategies for reducing violence, including peace education and advocacy by non-governmental organizations. However, the analysis would benefit from incorporating an economic perspective, particularly regarding how illicit markets perpetuate violence. This addition could enhance the book’s scope, offering a fuller understanding of violence in Brazil
Os Bálcãs na política externa russa em meio à Guerra Russo-Ucraniana: uma nova-velha frente na política de grande potência de Moscou
This article analyzes Russia’s Balkans policy amid Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, taking into account the impacts of this context on Russia’s positions in the region. It is argued that Russia has sought to preserve its regional influence while not creating new channels of influence in the Balkans. The article also analyses the Balkans’ role in contemporary Russian foreign policy and in Moscow’s relations with the Western great powers, in addition to analyzing the political, economic and security factors behind Russia's involvement in the Balkans. Taking into account more recent developments, as well as the historical perspective of the Post-Cold War era, the article argues that, despite its secondary role in Russian foreign policy, the Balkans continue to be seen by Russia as an area of economic opportunities and of a contest for influence with the Western powers. The article applies a qualitative methodology based on primary sources and a bibliographical review.O presente artigo analisa a atuação da Rússia nos Bálcãs em meio à invasão russa à Ucrânia iniciada em 2022, considerando os impactos desse contexto para as posições regionais da Rússia. Argumenta-se que a Rússia buscou preservar sua influência regional, embora sem criar novos canais de atuação nos Bálcãs. O trabalho também analisa o lugar dos Bálcãs na política externa russa contemporânea e nas relações entre Moscou e as potências ocidentais, além de examinar os fatores políticos, econômicos e de segurança por trás do envolvimento da Rússia nos Bálcãs. Considerando a dimensão conjuntural e a perspectiva histórica do Pós-Guerra Fria, argumenta-se que, apesar de sua posição secundária na hierarquia de prioridades da política externa russa, os Bálcãs continuam sendo vistos pela Rússia como um espaço de oportunidades econômicas e disputas por influência com as potências ocidentais. O trabalho utiliza uma metodologia qualitativa baseada em fontes primárias e na revisão bibliográfica