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Integrating Building Functions into Massive External Walls
Get PDFWell into the twentieth century, brick and stone were the materials used. Bricklaying and stonemasonry were the construction technologies employed for the exterior walls of virtually all major structures. However, with the rise in quality of life, the massive walls alone became incapable of fulfilling all the developed needs. Adjacent systems and layers had then to be attached to the massive layer. Nowadays, the external wall is usually composed of a layered construction. Each external wall function is usually represented by a separate layer or system. The massive layer of the wall is usually responsible for the load-bearing function.
Traditional massive external walls vary in terms of their external appearance, their composition and attached layers. However, their design and construction process is usually a repeated process. It is a linear process where each discipline is concerned with a separate layer or system. These disciplines usually take their tasks away and bring them back to be re-integrated in a layered manner. New massive technologies with additional function have recently become available.
Such technologies can provide the external wall with other functions in addition to its load-bearing function. The purpose of this research is to map the changes required to the traditional design and construction process when massive technologies with additional function are applied in external walls. Moreover, the research aims at assessing the performance of massive solutions with additional function when compared to traditional solutions in two different contexts, the Netherlands and Egypt.
Through the analysis of different additional function technologies in external walls, a guidance scheme for different stakeholders is generated. It shows the expected process changes as related to the product level and customization level. Moreover, the research concludes that the performance of additional insulating technologies, and specifically Autoclaved Aerated Concrete can provide a better construction compared to the traditional external wall construction of the Netherlands and Egypt
Negotiation and Design for the Self-Organizing City: Gaming as a method for Urban Design
Get PDFAn understanding of cities as open systems whose agents act on them simultaneously from below and above, influencing urban processes by their interaction with them and with each other, is replacing the simplistic debate on urban participation which asks whether cities should be organized bottom-up or top-down. This conceptualization of cities as complex systems calls for new collaborative city-making methods: a combination of collaborative planning (which already embraces various agencies and derives decision-making from negotiations between them) and collaborative design (existing methods rely on rule-based iterative processes which control spatial outcomes). While current collaborative planning methods are open and interactive, they fail to simulate realistic power negotiations in the evolution of the physical environments they plan; collaborative design methods fall short in modelling the decision-making mechanisms of the physical environments they control. This research is dedicated to building an open negotiation and design method for cities as self-organizing systems that bridges this gap.
Gaming as a tool for knowledge creation and negotiation serves as an interface between the more abstract decision-making and material city-making. Rarely involved in the creation of our environment, it has the unexplored potential of combining the socio-spatial dimensions of self-organizing urban processes. Diverse agents, the collaborations and conflicts within and between interest groups, and the parameters provided by topological data can all be combined in an operational form in gaming: potentially a great unifier of multiple stakeholder negotiations and individual design aspirations through which to generate popularly informed policies or design.
The simple language and rules of games will allow jargon-free communication between stakeholders, experts and non-experts alike. The interactive and iterative nature of city gaming encourages the development of collective intelligence, derived from the real lives of players to be redeployed in their real urban futures. Vitally, city gaming enables the negotiation of this future, as players with conflicting interests are given an opportunity to develop compatible, even shared, visions. By transforming serious issues into a playful and engaging (although no less serious) experience, city gaming unlocks difficult conversations and helps to build communities in the long term. The urban design, policy and action plans generated collaboratively through gaming will increase social coherence and local agency, as well as cutting costs and time in urban development processes.
This thesis proposes Generative City Gaming as an innovative urban planning and design method built on the tradition of serious gaming. Going beyond the educational scope of other serious games, the ultimate aim of city gaming is to become operational in urban processes — a goal in the process of making a reality since 2008, when Generative City Gaming was first applied to a real urban questions in the Netherlands, later expanding to Istanbul, Tirana, Brussels, and Cape Town. “Negotiation and Design for the Self-Organizing City” reports on six of the twelve city games played to date which were instrumental in the evolution of the method: Play Almere Haven tested whether a game based on self-organizing mechanisms could provide an urban order; Play Rotterdam questioned whether game-derived design could be implemented in urban renewal of a central Rotterdam neighborhood; Yap-YaÅŸa was played with real urban stakeholders for transforming Istanbul’s self-built neighbourhoods; Play Noord investigated a masterplan on hold could be fixed by unconventional stakeholders; Play Oosterwold jumped up a scale to test the rules of a flexible urban expansion plan for 4500 hectares; Play Van Gendthallen, was the first to enable stakeholders to make the leap from design to reality within the game process.
The Generative City Gaming method evolves continuously. Every new case tests and proves the applicability of city gaming to a specific urban complexity, while challenging the method to adapt itself and develop new features tailored to tackle each unique urban question. Through use, this gaming method is finding its place within existing city-making procedures in a number of countries. The next big question is whether cyclical and open-ended city gaming can move beyond being a consultancy and research tool to become the principal medium of processing and executing city planning
The Institutionalisation of European Spatial Planning
Get PDFThe Institutionalisation of European Spatial Planning aims to clarify the enterprise of European spatial planning. The emphasis of the book lies on the need for a better understanding of the process of European integration in general. It particularly points at the emerging middle range theories that used concepts that were showing similarity to those that academics —those writing about planning— were accustomed to, such as networks, discourses and governance. The focus of this book is mostly on the post-European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP)— the Committee of Spatial Development — from 1999 until now. As it is collection of articles, it has a different gestation process and does not tell a story from A to Z. What this book is about, however, is merely the issue concerning the institutional capacity of the ESDP and whether this has evaporated or not. The fact that this book exists at all suggests it has not
The Purchasing of Maintenance Service Delivery in the Dutch Social Housing Sector.: Optimising Commodity Strategies for Delivering Maintenance Services to Tenants
Get PDFDutch housing associations have a market share of about 33% of the entire Dutch housing stock. They spent around 2.8 billion Euros a year on the maintenance of dwellings, of which external suppliers account for approximately 89%. External service suppliers can as such be seen as an extension of the housing associations in fulfilling their public tasks and private objectives. Maintenance service delivery gives an opportunity for high quality interaction with tenants. At the moment maintenance service delivery appears to be of a suboptimal quality leading to a lower than potential tenant satisfaction. With this an essential part of the objectives of housing associations is not fulfilled optimally. This research reveals the essential determinants of maintenance service quality in order to promote tenant satisfaction. Commodity strategies for the purchasing of maintenance services are developed which make its optimization possible from the perspective of tenant satisfaction. 
OverHolland 7: Architectural studies for the Dutch city
Get PDFBefore you lies the 5x5 Projects for the Dutch City publication, the result of the eponymous research project conducted at the Faculty of Architecture of Delft University of Technology. The 5x5 project aims at investigating the relationship between architectonic interventions and urban transformations in the station areas of five smaller historical cities in the Randstad, the urban agglomeration of Western Holland: Haarlem, Leiden, Gouda, Delft and Dordrecht. The starting point was the hypothetical assumption that in the future and following the Delft example, the railway in these cities will be placed underground in the inner city area. The results of the first part of this research — analyses of various locations and the impulse for a problem definition for the research by design — have been previously published in OverHolland 5 (SUN, 2007). The second part of this research project consisted of research by design for the five abovementioned station areas, carried out by five teams of architects. The results are presented in this specially designed seventh issue of the OverHolland series, entitled 5x5 Projects for the Dutch City.
Leen van Duin initiated this research project and is also responsible for its concept. With this pilot project he wants to encourage research by design at the Faculty of Architecture. Henk Engel was responsible for the elaboration of the content and the structure of the project, while François Claessens handled the project coordination.
The design research was supervised by five architects associated with the Delft University of Technology: Jo Coenen (Haarlem), Michiel Riedijk, Niklaas Deboutte, Kersten Geers (Leiden), Dick van Gameren (Gouda), bOb van Reeth (Delft) and Henk Engel (Dordrecht), and carried out by their respective staff members: Anne Snijders (Haarlem), Sjoerd Schaapveld and Rasmus Hamann (Gouda), Peter van Doninc (Delft), Olivier van der Bogt, Marius van der Meulen and Bart van den Ende (Dordrecht).
The preliminary research and coaching of the design teams was executed by members of the Urban Architecture research group at the Faculty of Architecture: Olivier van der Bogt, Roberto Cavallo, Esther Gramsbergen, Lara Schrijver and Willemijn Wilms Floet. Map research of the five project locations was done by Iskander Paní© and Otto van Diesveldt. The five project scale models were made by teaching assistants Inouk Brouwer, Sjors de Graaf, John Jaspers, Jaimy Siebel and Froukje de Vries. A special thanks to all of them for their efforts in successfully finishing this project.
We would also like to thank Roger Willems who designed this book and in particular Henk Hoeks of SUN Publishers for believing in this project. Finally, we would like to thank the Faculty of Architecture of the Delft University of Technology for its financial support of this project and its publication
Divergence in European Welfare and Housing Systems
Get PDFThe book explores the relationship between the characteristics of the welfare state and the characteristics of the housing system (housing policies, housing outcomes and housing market developments) in different European countries. It consists of a theoretical framework, six published articles and a concluding chapter. All six articles use the welfare state regime theory and typology of Esping-Andersen and/or the housing system typology of Kemeny, or at least some aspects of these, as an explanatory framework.
The results of the investigations indicate that there are considerable differences between the various European housing systems. As far as this is concerned, especially the Southern European countries occupy a rather distinct position. For this reason, two articles in the study specifically focus on the Southern European housing system of Spain. The book is relevant for both academics and policy-makers who are interested in international housing and housing policy developments
Durable past - sustainable future
Get PDFThe section Heritage & Architecture of the Faculty of Architecture at Delft University of Technology deals with the built environment in terms of conservation, refurbishment and re-use. Reflecting the department philosophy, this book focuses on the durability and sustainability of existing buildings (heritage in a broad sense, from historic buildings to listed monuments), considered in terms of material and building techniques, form and function, and part of the wider context of sites and cities. At the basis stands the Heritage triangle: Design — Cultural value — Technology.
 
Selective mobility, segregation and neighbourhood effects
Get PDFThe residential neighbourhood is thought to affect residents because of presumed neighbourhood effects; the independent effects of a neighbourhood’s characteristics on the life chances of its residents. An enormous body of research has tried to measure neighbourhood effects, however, there are no clear conclusions on how much, if any, effect the neighbourhood has on its residents. There is non-random selection of people into neighbourhoods which causes a bias in the modelling of neighbourhood effects. Any correlation found between neighbourhood characteristics and individual outcomes might be explained by selection bias and can therefore not prove the existence of a causal neighbourhood effect. The question is; do poor neighbourhoods make people poor, or do poor people live in unattractive neighbourhoods because they cannot afford to live elsewhere (Cheshire, 2007). Therefore, insight in selection is important to gain more insight in neighbourhood effects (Van Ham and Manley, 2012). For neighbourhood effects research it is important to study selective mobility and neighbourhood choice and to combine neighbourhood effects research with neighbourhood selection research (Doff, 2010a; Van Ham and Manley, 2012; Van Ham et al., 2012; Galster, 2003; Hedman, 2011). The aim of this thesis therefore is to gain more insight in both the causes and the consequences of segregation and thus to study both individual residential mobility and neighbourhood selection and neighbourhood effects. Besides the neighbourhood effects literature, also the segregation literature will benefit from better insights in selective residential mobility because selective residential mobility is one of the main driving forces of segregation.
There are two main research questions for this thesis. Firstly, I try to give insight in selective mobility and neighbourhood choice and thus to study where, when and why which people move. What is the effect of personal characteristics, neighbourhood characteristics and macro level housing market developments on individual neighbourhood satisfaction, moving wishes, moving behaviour and neighbourhood selection and on macro level selective mobility patterns and segregation? Secondly, I will test presumed neighbourhood effect mechanisms. Concentration areas of ethnic minorities are seen as undesirable, because their residents are thought to have less contact with the native majority which might hamper their integration and their life chances. It is, however, unclear to what extent social contact is affected by the residential neighbourhood. The second research question therefore asks whether ethnic minorities have less contact with the native majority if they live in minority concentration neighbourhoods.
Segregation
Segregation is defined as the population composition of neighbourhoods in relation to each other; that is, the concentration or underrepresentation of population groups in neighbourhoods compared to a city or national level average. Selective residential mobility is one of the main driving forces of segregation. Households move to a certain neighbourhood, either because they choose to live there, or because they are constrained in their choice options. Therefore segregation can be both voluntary and involuntary. This thesis focuses on selective residential mobility as cause of segregation, therefore it tries to understand why and where people move.
According to residential mobility theory, personal characteristics determine residential preferences and if the residential situation is not in line with these preferences this will lead to dissatisfaction and a desire to move (Brown and Moore, 1970). Whether a dissatisfied household succeeds in moving to a dwelling and neighbourhood more in line with their preferences, depends on their personal resources and restrictions and macro level opportunities and constraints (Mulder and Hooimeijer, 1999). Successful households will move to a neighbourhood more in line with their preferences. There are, however, differences between households in which neighbourhoods are open to choice. Low income households will only be able to select neighbourhoods in which inexpensive dwellings are available. Similarly, households who depend on the social housing sector, or on the owner-occupied sector will only be able to select neighbourhoods where dwellings of this tenure are available. In addition, there are differences between households in which neighbourhood is (deemed) most attractive. People prefer to live among others who are similar to themselves and also facilities directed towards specific groups will make especially concentration neighbourhoods of the own ethnic or income group attractive. Besides residential preferences, also other factors will affect neighbourhood selection; population groups will differ in access to information on neighbourhood attractiveness or housing opportunities and discrimination, or fear of discrimination, can limit the opportunities of minority groups on the housing market.
Neighbourhood effects
It is typically assumed in European and American urban policy and academic research that spatial concentrations of low income households or ethnic minorities have negative effects on their inhabitants (Friedrichs et al., 2003). An enormous body of research has tried to measure neighbourhood effects; the independent effect of a neighbourhood on its residents when controlling for individual characteristics (see for a review Dietz, 2002; Ellen and Turner, 1997; Sharkey and Faber, 2014; Van Ham et al., 2012). The research attention for neighbourhood effects started with the seminal work of Wilson (1987). He argued that living in concentration areas of the jobless lowest class, isolated from role models, mainstream values and norms, and informal job networks and social contacts with employed, has a negative effect on your life chances.
Neighbourhoods can affect their residents via a number of mechanisms (Ellen and Turner, 1997; Erbring and Young, 1979; Galster, 2012). Firstly, the geographical location determines job access and thereby labour market opportunities. Secondly, pollution, noise and disturbance affect health and (thereby) life chances via environmental mechanisms. In addition, neighbourhood stigmatisation can reduce life chances because others have prejudiced ideas and low expectations of the residents of stigmatised neighbourhoods. Also, the quality of institutions such as schools, museums, libraries and sport facilities will generally be lower in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, thereby reducing the life chances of residents. Finally, neighbourhood effects can transpire via social interactions with neighbours. Through collective socialisation and peer pressure people are thought to conform to local social norms (Jencks and Mayer, 1990). Positive role models and social network contacts with individuals with more social capital can help people advance in their work or educational career (Ellen and Turner, 1997). For ethnic minorities it can be important to have social interactions with the native majority to have the opportunity to learn the majority language, standards and values (Lazear, 1999) and to have bridging network ties that can provide access to valuable information not present within the own ethnic network (Buck, 2001).
Many neighbourhood effect researchers believe that living in concentrated poverty has negative effects on individuals, and policymakers try to create mixed neighbourhoods to prevent these negative neighbourhood effects. However, although “it is perfectly plausible that poor people are made poorer by the characteristics of the neighbourhoods in which they live” (…) “a close examination of the best research available does not reveal any clear evidence to support it” (Cheshire, 2007: p. ix). Almost all neighbourhood effect studies struggle with selection bias (Cheshire, 2007). Any relation found between neighbourhood characteristics and individual outcomes might be a selection effect and therefore cannot prove the existence of a causal neighbourhood effect.
Neighbourhood effects researchers have tried to reduce or eliminate selection bias. Firstly this is done by using quasi-experimental study designs, using households whose residential neighbourhood is determined by external factors (Sampson et al., 2002). Secondly, advanced statistical methods such as sibling studies, fixed effects studies, instrumental variables and propensity score matching are used to reduce selection bias or to control for selection (Harding, 2003). These advancements in methodology have improved our insight in selection bias and in neighbourhood effects, however, since there are no methods that can completely eliminate selection bias, there is still no clear evidence of causal neighbourhood effects. Generally, methods that apply more controls for selection bias find smaller neighbourhood effects.
Instead of trying to eliminate selection bias, this thesis tries to provide insight in selection, in why and where which people move. In addition, this thesis tests presumed neighbourhood effect mechanisms. Social interactive mechanisms assume that neighbourhood effects transpire because the population composition of the residential neighbourhood affects with whom you interact (Ellen and Turner, 1997; Galster, 2012). Therefore I test whether the ethnic composition of the neighbourhood affects interethnic contact.
Individual differences in determinants of residential satisfaction
Residential satisfaction is a key variable in understanding individual residential mobility (Lu, 1999; Speare, 1974), as dissatisfaction leads to desires to move (Wolpert, 1965). Many researchers have studied the individual level and neighbourhood level determinants of residential satisfaction, however, very few have studied which neighbourhood characteristics are important to whom. People differ in which neighbourhood characteristics affect their residential satisfaction (Galster and Hesser, 1981). If certain neighbourhood characteristics lead to dissatisfaction and therefore to mobility desires for specific groups, this might lead to selective mobility and segregation. Therefore, in Chapter 2 I study individual differences in the determinants of residential satisfaction.
I estimate ordered logit models explaining satisfaction on residents of urban areas within the Housing Research Netherlands 2012 survey. To test whether there are individual differences in the effects of neighbourhood characteristics on satisfaction I include interaction effects between individual characteristics and neighbourhood characteristics. These interaction effects test whether neighbourhood characteristics such as the neighbourhood ethnic composition, crime rates or dwelling values have similar effects on all individuals, or whether individual characteristics affect the size and direction of these effects. To my knowledge, previously only Greif (2015) and Parkes et al. (2002) have tested interaction effects between tenure and neighbourhood characteristics and there is no earlier research on ethnic or household differences in the determinants of neighbourhood satisfaction. Because there is almost no earlier research on individual differences in the determinants of satisfaction, I combine literature on residential satisfaction with literature on residential preferences, mobility desires and behaviour to create hypotheses about which neighbourhood characteristics are important to whom.
In line with the literature, I find that the share of non-western minorities in the neighbourhood has a negative effect on neighbourhood satisfaction, an effect that is stronger for natives than for non-western minorities themselves. This can be explained by own group preferences; people are more satisfied in neighbourhoods with higher shares of their own ethnic group and when this is taken into account the differences between ethnic groups in the effect of the total neighbourhood share of non-western ethnic minorities on satisfaction disappear. Satisfaction is found to be more dependent on neighbourhood characteristics for owner-occupiers than for renters and more for households with children than for other households. However, while earlier research has found that owner-occupiers and households with children are especially sensitive to the neighbourhood ethnic composition (Ellen, 2000; Goyette et al., 2014; Greif, 2015; Xie and Zhou, 2012), I find that it is not the neighbourhood ethnic composition, but neighbourhood safety that is especially important for these groups.
There are thus differences between ethnic groups, tenure groups and household types in the determinants of residential satisfaction. These differences might lead to selective mobility, segregation and high turnover rates. Policymakers in many countries try to create stable, attractive and mixed neighbourhoods (Bolt et al., 2010; Baum et al., 2009; Cheshire, 2007), also by attracting higher income households to deprived urban restructuring neighbourhoods (see Chapter 5). These insights in which neighbourhood characteristics are important to whom, are very important for effective policy design (Baum et al., 2009; Ellen et al., 2013; Pinkster et al., 2015).
Ethnic differences in realising desires to leave the neighbourhood
Residential dissatisfaction leads to mobility desires which could lead to residential mobility (Brown and Moore, 1970; Wolpert, 1965). Whether people realise their desire to move depends on their personal resources and restrictions (Mulder and Hooimeijer, 1999), there are thus individual differences in how successful people are in realising their desires to move. In Chapter 3, I focus on people who expressed a desire to leave their neighbourhood and study who realises this desire within two years and who manages to escape from poverty neighbourhoods or minority concentration neighbourhoods. To do this, I use a unique combination of survey data and register data. Cross-sectional survey data in which people are asked about their desire to leave the neighbourhood are merged with longitudinal register data on their subsequent residential mobility behaviour. This allows me to test if people with a desire to leave the neighbourhood actually do leave their neighbourhood within two years and which neighbourhoods they move to and from.
Earlier research has found that ethnic minorities are less likely to leave ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods (Bolt and Van Kempen, 2010; Pais et al., 2009; South and Crowder, 1998) and poverty neighbourhoods (Bolt and Van Kempen, 2003; Quillian, 2003; South et al., 2005; South and Crowder, 1997). It was, however, unclear whether this was explained by the fact that ethnic minorities less often want to leave these neighbourhoods, or whether they are less successful in leaving these neighbourhoods, also if they have a desire to leave. It is important to understand why there are ethnic differences in mobility patterns. If there are ethnic differences in mobility desires, this might lead to voluntary segregation. However, if certain (ethnic) groups are equally likely to want to leave certain neighbourhoods, but less successful than others in realising this desire, this indicates segregation is involuntary.
I find that non-western ethnic minorities are less successful than natives in realising desires to leave their neighbourhood. In addition, they are found to be less likely than natives to escape from ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods and poverty neighbourhoods, also if they have expressed a desire to leave their neighbourhood. Non-western ethnic minorities who realise a desire to leave their poverty or minority concentration neighbourhood, more often than natives, move to another poverty or minority concentration neighbourhood. In this chapter, I thus find ethnic selectivity in the realisation of mobility desires. These differences can lead to selective residential mobility and (involuntary) segregation.
Neighbourhood selection of non-western ethnic minorities. Testing the own-group effects hypothesis using a conditional logit model
Residential dissatisfaction will lead to a desire to move and people who realise their desire to move will select a new neighbourhood. Also in the selection of a destination neighbourhood there are differences between population groups. Neighbourhoods differ in population composition, amenities, dwelling availability and housing costs and population groups differ in resources, restrictions and preferences (Mulder and Hooimeijer, 1999), in their access to knowledge and opinions about neighbourhoods (Hedman, 2013) and in information about housing opportunities available to them (Bolt, 2001; Huff, 1986). In neighbourhood selection research, until now most studies characterise the neighbourhood based on a limited number of characteristics; they model the effect of personal characteristics on the probability to move to a poverty neighbourhood (Bolt and Van Kempen, 2003; Clark et al., 2006; Logan and Alba, 1993) or a minority concentration neighbourhood (Brí¥mí¥, 2006; Clark and Ledwith, 2007; Doff, 2010b; South and Crowder, 1998). However, in reality the selection of a neighbourhood will depend on multiple neighbourhood characteristics that are assessed simultaneously and in combination (Hedman et al., 2011).
Ethnic minorities have been found to be more likely than natives to move to minority concentration neighbourhoods (Clark and Ledwith, 2007; Doff, 2010b; South and Crowder, 1998). However, this is not necessarily explained by the ethnic composition, also other neighbourhood characteristics correlated with ethnic composition might explain why especially ethnic minorities move to ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods. In Chapter 4, I estimate the effect of various neighbourhood characteristics on neighbourhood selection of ethnic minority households. I use a conditional logit model, which allows me to simultaneously take into account multiple neighbourhood characteristics and thereby to distinguish the effect of the share of the own ethnic group, other ethnic minority groups and housing market characteristics on neighbourhood selection.
Ethnic minorities are found to more often than others move to neighbourhoods with low dwelling values and high shares of social housing. These areas are often also ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods, thus, housing market characteristics partly explain why ethnic minorities more often than others move to ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods. Also when housing market characteristics are taken into account, I find evidence for own group effects; ethnic minorities are more likely to move to neighbourhoods with higher shares of their own ethnic group. Most likely, ethnic minorities select these neighbourhoods because they prefer to live among family or other own group members, and/or because they find a dwelling via their mono-ethnic network. This chapter focuses specifically on the four largest ethnic minority groups in the Netherlands. I find that for Surinamese and Antilleans the combination of housing market characteristics and own group effects explains why they more often than natives move to ethnic minority concentration neighbourhoods. Turks and Moroccans, however, are found to move more often to concentration neighbourhoods of ethnic minorities (other than their own ethnic group), also when housing market characteristics and own group effects are taken into account. Discrimination or fear of discrimination most likely explains why Turks and Moroccans are not willing or able to move to native majority concentration neighbourhoods.
Mixed neighbourhoods; effects of urban restructuring and new housing development
Many European countries use mixed housing policies to decrease the spatial concentration of low-income households. Within the Netherlands, large scale urban restructuring programs have been implemented in which inexpensive social rented dwellings in deprived neighbourhoods are demolished and replaced by more expensive and more often owner-occupied dwellings (Kleinhans, 2004). These urban restructuring programs have attempted to attract middle- and higher income households to deprived neighbourhoods. However, at the same time large numbers of expensive and mostly owner-occupied dwellings have been built on greenfield locations around the major cities. Urban restructuring programs might be less successful in attracting higher income households to deprived neighbourhoods when they have to compete with large scale greenfield development. In addition, greenfield development creates opportunities for relatively high income households to leave existing neighbourhoods, which will accelerate the process of selective outflow and income sorting and thereby increase the spatial concentration of low income households who are left behind.
In Chapter 5 I study the effect of urban restructuring and new housing development on selective mobility patterns and income segregation. I compare three urban regions in the Netherlands with different patterns of urban restructuring and greenfield development. I use longitudinal register data to study income and income development of people who move to or from various neighbourhood types or to newly built dwellings and the effects of these selective mobility patterns on income segregation.
I find that urban restructuring programs within deprived neighbourhoods are successful in attracting middle and higher income households, also when they have to compete with large scale greenfield development within the same urban region. Large scale greenfield development, however, leads to an outflow of relativel
Bau eines besseren Krankenhauses: Wertschãpfendes Management & Planung von Immobilien
Get PDFDie jí¼ngste Deregulierung der Gesetze in den Niederlanden in Bezug auf Krankenhausimmobilien impliziert dass Institutionen der Gesundheitspflege mehr Mãglichkeiten haben Einrichtungsentscheidungen zu treffen, wobei sie jedoch gleichzeitig selbst die Verantwortung fí¼r die Risiken in Verbindung mit den Investitionen í¼bernehmen mí¼ssen. Zusätzlich wurden Einrichtungskosten integraler Bestandteil der Kosten der Gesundheitsversorgung. Dies gibt Aufschluss í¼ber die Angleichung zwischen der Organisation der Gesundheitspflege und der Einrichtung: Pflegeeinrichtungen selbst tragen das Risiko, ihre Investitionen in Immobilien auszugleichen, und hohe Einrichtungskosten fí¼hren zu hãheren Gebí¼hrensätzen fí¼r die Gesundheitsvorsorge.
In dieser Doktorarbeit werden die Ansichten und Konzepte des Corporate Real Estate Management (Immobilienmanagement von Unternehmen - CREM) in Bezug auf den Beitrag untersucht, den sie zu dem Prozess der Einrichtungsentscheidung leisten kãnnen, unter Anwendung jí¼ngster Fälle in niederländischen Krankenhäusern. CREM kann als das Management des Immobilienportfolios einer Gesellschaft durch Ausrichtung des Portfolios und der Dienstleistungen mit den Bedí¼rfnissen des Kerngeschäfts definiert werden, um maximalen Mehrwert fí¼r das Geschäft und einen optimalen Beitrag zu der Gesamtleistung der Organisation zu erhalten. Diese Definition geht davon aus, dass die Einrichtung der Organisation einen Mehrwert geben und zu ihrer Gesamtleistung beitragen kann. Es ist daher fí¼r diese Untersuchung von zentraler Bedeutung, den Mehrwert einer Immobilie zusätzlich zur Bewertung dieser Mehrwerte näher auszufí¼hren und sie fí¼r das Krankenhausmanagement anwendbar zu machen. Diese Mehrwerte bestimmen den íœbergang zwischen den unterschiedlichen Phasen in dem Zyklus der Initiierung, der Planung, der Konstruktion und Belegung der Einrichtung. Zusätzlich funktioniert der Mehrwert der Immobilie als eine gemeinsame Sprache zwischen den Disziplinen, welche in die Planung und Konstruktion der Krankenhauseinrichtung involviert sind, wie beispielsweise die Institution der Gesundheitspflege, die Fí¼hrungskraft in der Gesundheitsversorgung, der Immobilienmanager und Architekt.
In vier Teilstudien (1) Kontext, (2) Management, (3) Wert und (4) Planung werden verschiedene Konzepte, welche zu einer fundierteren Entscheidungsfindung í¼ber die Einrichtung verbunden mit der Organisation der Gesundheitsvorsorge beitragen, durch Ausfí¼hrung und Verkní¼pfung bestehender konzeptioneller Strukturen anwendbar gemacht. Konzeptionelle Modelle aus unterschiedlichen Disziplinen werden verkní¼pft, um einen integralen Ansatz sowohl fí¼r Organisations- als auch Einrichtungsmanagement zu erreichen. Zusätzlich zu den Schlussfolgerungen und Empfehlungen der separaten Studien (1-4) stellt das finale Ergebnis eine Toolbox dar, die genutzt werden kann, um den Prozess der Entscheidungsfindung zu unterstí¼tzen, der zu einer besser fundierten Immobilienstrategie fí¼hrt.
Der Kontext der Krankenhausimmobilie
Der Kontext, in dem Krankenhäuser langfristige Entscheidungen í¼ber ihre Investitionen in die Einrichtung treffen mí¼ssen, wird durch politische, demographische, wirtschaftliche, soziale und technologische Faktoren bestimmt. Krankenhäuser mí¼ssen ihre Position in Bezug auf diese Umweltfaktoren einerseits und die Interessen ihrer internen und externen Interessenvertreter andererseits bestimmen. Context-Mapping (Abbildung 2) ist ein Instrument fí¼r die Analyse dieser Interessen der Interessenvertreter, der Faktoren in Bezug auf die externe Umwelt und der sektorspezifischen Trends und Szenarien.
Die Analyse des Krankenhaussektors zeigt, dass jí¼ngste Veränderungen in dem politischen Kontext dazu fí¼hrten, dass Krankenhäuser ihre eigenen Stärken und Mãglichkeiten bestimmen mí¼ssen und dadurch ebenfalls die Verantwortung fí¼r die Risiken und Gefahren bei dem Ausgleich ihrer Investitionen in die Einrichtung í¼bernehmen. Die íœbertragung von Verantwortlichkeiten impliziert, dass immobilienbezogene Risiken ebenfalls í¼bertragen werden, was wiederum umgehend Auswirkungen fí¼r die Finanzposition der Organisation und den Zugang zu Darlehen und Risikokapital hat. Seit der Deregulierung von Investitionsentscheidungen und der Implementierung integrierter Sätze in der Gesundheitspflege wurden sich Krankenhäuser mehr í¼ber ihre konkurrenzfähige Position auf dem Gesundheitsmarkt und ihre Position in der Region bewusst. Zusätzlich änderte sich der Einfluss verschiedener externer Interessenvertreter. Die Minderung des direkten Einflusses der Regierung auf Investitionsentscheidungen und die zugehãrige Kapazität von Institutionen der Gesundheitspflege bedeutete eine Steigerung des Einflusses der Krankenversicherungen bei der Bereitstellung von Gesundheitsversorgung (Kapazität) und der Banken bei der Finanzierung der Einrichtungsinvestitionen. Die Folgen des sich ändernden Kontexts der Einrichtungsentscheidungen fí¼r Krankenhäusern sind: (1) eine neue Positionierung des Krankenhauses innerhalb der Gemeinschaft mit zugehãriger Standortwahl; (2) die Notwendigkeit von Einrichtungsentscheidungen, die zu arbeitssparenden Innovationen beitragen; (3) die Notwendigkeit der Wertschãpfung durch Immobilien fí¼r die Organisation und; (4) Mãglichkeiten fí¼r die Vorhersage von í„nderungen in der Organisation der Gesundheitsversorgung.
Management der Krankenhausimmobilie
Wie eine Krankenhausimmobilie optimal auf die organisatorischen Zielsetzungen ausgerichtet werden kann, wird durch Anpassung bestehender konzeptioneller Modelle mit CREM-Modellen, welche die Qualität der organisatorischen Prozesse steuern, untersucht. Das grundlegende konzeptionelle Modell dafí¼r ist eine Abstraktion des Modells der Europäischen Stiftung fí¼r Qualitätsmanagement (EFQM) in vier Schritten: (1) Ziele der Interessenvertreter, (2) die Schlí¼sselthemen der Organisation fí¼r Erfolg, (3) Management der Struktur und Ressourcen der Organisation; (4) Verbesserung des Hauptprozesses. Der Zyklus Planen-Ausfí¼hren-Kontrollieren-Handeln als bekannte Grundlage im Qualitätsmanagement ist auch in diesem grundlegenden konzeptionellen Modell enthalten.
Das Meta-Modell (Abbildung 3) zeigt, wie das parallele Management von Organisation und Einrichtung in drei aufeinander folgenden Schritten (Kontext, Wert und Management) in der Planung eines Prozesses (4) und eines Gebäudes (8) resultiert, in vier Angleichungen der Ausrichtung zwischen: (A) den Ergebnissen fí¼r Interessenvertreter (1) und den Perspektiven auf die Immobilie (5); (B) den Hauptthemen der Organisation fí¼r Erfolg (2) und dem Mehrwert der Immobilie (6); (C) Management von Strukturierung und Ressourcen (3) und Management der Einrichtung (7); (D) dem Primäre Prozess (4) und der Planung des Gebäudes (8). Der integrierende Rahmen (Abbildung 4) fí¼r das Management der Krankenhausimmobilie ist eine weitere Ausfí¼hrung des Meta-Modells. In dem integrierenden Rahmen werden die Schritte auf der Organisationsebene durch die Schritte des EFQM-Modells abgeschlossen. Die strategischen, finanziellen, funktionalen und physikalischen Perspektiven auf die Immobilie (5) kãnnen parallel zu den Zielsetzungen der Interessenvertreter (1) positioniert werden, welche in dem EFQM-INK-Modell beschrieben werden. Auf diese Weise ist das Management der Interessenvertreter Teil des Organisationsmanagements und wird in Immobilienperspektiven auf CREM í¼bertragen. Die Perspektiven auf die Immobilie werden in Immobilienmehrwerte (6) als die gemeinsame Sprache í¼bertragen, die in allen Phasen des Lebenszyklus der Immobilie bewertet werden kann. Dieses Konzept der Wertschãpfung durch die Immobilie wird mit den Hauptthemen fí¼r den Erfolg (2) verkní¼pft, die aus den Forderungen und Wí¼nschen der Gesellschaft, Mitarbeiter, Kunden und des Managements der Organisation auf einer Organisationsebene resultieren. Sowohl die Hauptthemen fí¼r den Erfolg als auch die Mehrwerte der Immobilie liefern einen Beitrag fí¼r den í„nderungsmanagementprozess der Organisation (3) und ihrer Immobilie (7). Das í„nderungsmanagement der Organisation (3) wird durch die Leitung gelenkt und behandelt die Politik & das Management von Ressourcen, einschlieíŸlich personeller Ressourcen und Immobilien. In diesem Teil des Modells mí¼ssen verschiedene Ressourcen fí¼r die Produktion gegeneinander ausgeglichen werden. Dies fí¼hrt zu einem Prozess, der in einer physikalischen Umgebung implementiert werden muss. In diesem Modell ist der Rahmen fí¼r die Strategie zur Planung einer Einrichtung [Designing an Accommodation Strategy - DAS] die Grundlage fí¼r das í„nderungsmanagement der Immobilie (7). In einem schrittweisen Prozess erfolgt eine Anpassung zwischen der Nachfrage und Angebot, jetzt und in der Zukunft, die zu einem Gebäude fí¼hrt, das die Primären Prozesse der Organisation unterstí¼tzen kann. Die Abstimmung des Managements der Einrichtung mit organisatorischen Veränderungen kann somit folgerichtig zu einem stufenweisen Plan fí¼r die Umwandlung der Einrichtung fí¼hren. Sowohl die Prozesse als auch das Gebäude werden mit den Anforderungen der Interessenvertreter und den zugehãrigen Perspektiven auf die Immobilie verglichen.
Zusätzlich wird eine Fí¼nf-Punkte-Skala fí¼r alle Punkte in dem integrierenden Rahmen fí¼r eine dreifache Bewertung der Entwicklungsstufe der Organisation und ihrer Einrichtungsentscheidungen entwickelt. Diese dreifache Bewertung der Organisation und Einrichtung zeigt, wo die Organisation steht, wie Immobilien kontrolliert werden und die erstrebte Zielsetzung mit einem dazu passendem Fokus auf Produkt, Prozess, System, Ketten oder Gesellschaft.
Wertschãpfung durch Krankenhausimmobilie
Wert wird in dieser Studie als die bewertete Leistung eines Produkts oder Dienstes definiert, der zu der Erreichung der Ziele, welche durch die Interessenvertreter festgelegt werden, beiträgt. Folglich hängt der Wert von der (subjektiven) Bewertung der Interessenvertreter ab. Die Mehrwerte von Immobilien sind im Voraus (vorab) zu definieren, um die Ziele der Interessenvertreter festzustellen, um sie Nachhinein (nachträglich) in der Gestaltung zu í¼berprí¼fen. Diese Untersuchung der Mehrwerte von Krankenhausimmobilien zeigt, dass das Konzept der Wertschãpfung durch Immobilien zu der Praxis von Krankenhäusern passt, die jí¼ngst ein neues Krankenhausgebäude geplant und konstruiert haben. Die Anwendung der Mehrwerte von Immobilien aus der CREM-Literatur auf die Konstruktion neuer Krankenhäuser in den Niederlanden resultierte in einer sektorspezifischen Definition der Mehrwerte der Krankenhausimmobilie und einer Kategorisierung in drei Gruppen. Die erste Gruppe besteht aus Nutzerwerten, wie zum Beispiel die Fãrderung der Organisationskultur und Patienten- und Mitarbeiterzufriedenheit. Diese Gruppe wird gefolgt durch die eher strategisch orientierten Produktionswerte, wie beispielsweise die Verbesserung der Produktivität, Reduzierung von Einrichtungskosten und die Flexibilität, die physikalische Umgebung an neue Gesundheitsvorsorgeprozesse anzupassen. Die dritte Gruppe umfasst Zukunftswerte, z.B. das Erscheinungsbild des Gebäudes, Nachhaltigkeit, immobilienbezogene Risiken und Mãglichkeiten fí¼r die Nutzung des finanziellen Werts der Immobilie fí¼r die Finanzierung von Hauptprozessen. Zusätzlich zur Definition der Mehrwerte der Krankenhausimmobilie wurde die Wert-Wirkung-Matrix (Tabelle 3) entwickelt, die neun Arten von Mehrwerten (Tabelle 2) mit den Interessen und Bedí¼rfnissen der Interessenvertreter mit Hilfe von vier Perspektiven auf die Immobilie verkní¼pft: strategisch, finanziell, funktional und physikalisch. Die Wert-Wirkung-Matrix wurde entwickelt, um die Anpassung zwischen den Hauptthemen der Organisation fí¼r den Erfolg, den Mehrwerten der Immobilie und den unterschiedlichen Perspektiven der Interessenvertreter auf die Immobilie zu unterstí¼tzen. Dieses Instrument ermãglicht es, die Immobilienmehrwerte aus verschiedenen Perspektiven auf die Immobilie (strategisch, finanziell, funktional und physikalisch) hervorzuheben. Tabelle 4 zeigt ein Beispiel mãglicher Verbindungen zwischen einem der Werte - Patientenzufriedenheit und heilungsunterstí¼tzende Umgebung und vier verschiedenen Perspektiven.
Planungsbewertung der Krankenhausimmobilie
Zusätzlich zur Definition dieser Werte im Voraus, erfordert die Anwendung des Mehrwerts als ein Rahmen auch eine Bewertung, um diese Werte in der Planungs- und Nutzungsphase zu messen. Unterschiedliche analytische Zeichnungsverfahren, die in diesem Teil der Untersuchung verwendet werden, zeigen, wie das Erreichen dieser Werte in der Bauplanung fí¼r unterschiedliche Aspekte der Patientenzufriedenheit í¼berprí¼ft werden kann. Vorbestimmte Werte werden visualisiert und verschiedene Gestaltungslãsungen werden verglichen. Insbesondere Verfahren, die von der Space Syntax ausgehen, bieten Mãglichkeiten, um Aspekte des Nutzerwerts in der Bauentwurfszeichnung zu studieren. Die Ergebnisse sind viel versprechend, ungeachtet der Tatsache, dass dieser Teil der Studie eine erste Untersuchung der Mãglichkeiten der Planungsbewertung ist. Die Graphiken, die erstellt werden kãnnen, scheinen einen guten Einblick in die Folgen der räumlichen Gestaltung zu geben, obwohl die Analysen immer noch Indikativ und bisher nicht bestätigt sind. Weitere validierende Untersuchungen sind notwendig, um den Umfang zu untersuchen, in dem die Ergebnisse der Analysen repräsentativ in der physikalischen bebauten Umgebung von Krankenhäusern sind.
Toolbox zur Unterstí¼tzung des wertsteigernden Managments & Planung
Eines der Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung ist die Gestaltung einer Toolbox, die zu der Entscheidungsfindung in Bezug auf die Einrichtung fí¼r Krankenhäuser beitragen kann. Diese Toolbox liefert eine Struktur fí¼r Kontext, Wert, Management und Planung der Einrichtung und soll ein Referenzwerkzeug fí¼r die Ausrichtung zwischen Immobilie und Gesundheitspflegeorganisation darstellen. Die Instrumente kãnnen unabhängig voneinander verwendet werden, kãnnen aber auch kombiniert werden. Als solches liefert die Toolbox Richtlinien fí¼r die Verteilung von Verantwortlichkeiten und Aufgaben zwischen dem Krankenhausvorstand, Immobilienmanager, Fí¼hrungskräften der Gesundheitspflege und Architekten in verschiedenen Phasen der Initiierung, Planung und Benutzung.
Bestehende Rahmen als Ausgangspunkt
Die Fallstudien zeigen die Ní¼tzlichkeit der Begriffsmodelle von CREM bei der Anpassung der Einrichtung fí¼r Krankenhäuser mit der Gesundheitsorganisation. Das Modell fí¼r Context-Mapping liefert einen Ausgangspunkt, um die Position der Immobilie in dem dynamischen Kontext von Krankenhäusern in den Griff zu bekommen. Die Gestaltung unterschiedlicher Begriffsmodelle in dem Meta-Modell und die Verkní¼pfung mit dem EFQM-Modell als eine abstrakte Beschreibung der Organisationen resultiert in einem Plan, in dem die Einrichtung und die Gesundheitsorganisation schrittweise koordiniert werden kãnnen. Während das Meta-Modell auf CEO-Ebene einen íœberblick und eine Kurzdarstellung der auszufí¼hrenden íœberlegungen bereitstellt, wird der integrierende Rahmen als ein umfassendes Werkzeug fí¼r Immobilienmanager genutzt, um diese verschiedenen Schritte weiter auszuarbeiten. Generische Werte aus der Literatur werden diskutiert und auf den sektorspezifischen Mehrwert der Krankenhausimmobilie í¼bertragen. Zusätzlich ermãglicht die Planungsbewertung, verschiedene Aspekte vorbestimmter Werte bereits zu prí¼fen, bevor die Gestaltung tatsächlich in eine Konstruktion umgesetzt wird.
Diszipliní¼bergreifender Ansatz fí¼r Einrichtung und Gesundheitsorganisation
Ein weiterer wichtiger Beitrag, welcher durch diese Untersuchung fí¼r die wissenschaftliche Diskussion geleistet wird, ist die Schaffung einer Verkní¼pfung zwischen bestehenden CREM-Modellen und konzeptionellen Rahmen aus Qualitätsmanagement und räumlicher Qualität. Die Toolbox unterstí¼tzt Entscheidungen hinsichtlich der Immobilie fí¼r Krankenhäuser bei der Erstellung von Verbindungen zwischen den bestehenden Kenntnissen aus verschiedenen Disziplinen. Die Hinzufí¼gung zu bestehenden Rahmen zielt daher auf die Verkní¼pfung der verschiedenen Disziplinen, Schaffung einer neuen Grundlage, in der jeder Sachkundige, wie beispielsweise Immobilienmanager, Fí¼hrungskräfte im Gesundheitswesen, medizinisches Fachpersonal und der Krankenhausvorstand, zu einem besseren Gleichgewicht zwischen der Einrichtung und der Gesundheitspflege beitragen kãnnen. Auf einer konzeptionellen Ebene werden gemeinsame Grundlagen des Immobilienmanagements und der Organisation der Gesundheitsversorgung in dem Meta-Modell in vier Schritten (Kontext, Wert, Management, Planung) auf einander abgestimmt. Auf einer praktischen Ebene sind die Mehrwerte der Immobilie als eine gemeinsame Sprache zwischen den unterschiedlichen Disziplinen zu betrachten.
Fokus auf Qualität der Organisation, Einrichtung und räumlichen Planung
Die Verbindung zwischen den Disziplinen und konzeptionellen Modellen ist zu sehen, wenn die Qualität der Organisation, des Einrichtungsmanagements und der räumlichen Planung betrachtet wird. Erstens, Qualitätsmodelle werden genutzt, um die Organisation und ihre Prozesse in Begriffe zu fassen, zu charakterisieren und zu beschreiben. Zusätzlich werden bestehende Modelle aus der CREMLiteratur in Bezug aufeinander durch Nutzung von zwei Grundprinzipien des Qualitätsmanagements und auf diese Weise durch Betrachtung der Qualität der Einrichtung parallel zu der Organisation und ihren Hauptprozessen positioniert. Es wird dann untersucht, wie der Mehrwert der Immobilie mit der räumlichen Qualität verkní¼pft werden kann. Die Klassifizierung des Mehrwerts in Nutzerwert, Produktionswert und Zukunftswert beweist sich als eine ní¼tzliche Gliederung. Dies ãffnet ein Fenster fí¼r die Berí¼cksichtigung des Mehrwerts der Immobilie als die Umsetzung von Qualität, wie sie durch die Interessenvertreter wahrgenommen wird. Unter Berí¼cksichtigung dessen kann das bewusste Management und die Integration von Immobilienmehrwerten mit einem Schwerpunkt auf die Qualität der Organisation, Einrichtung und räumlichen Planung als die Antwort auf die Hauptuntersuchungsfragen dieser Arbeit betrachtet werden.
Empfehlungen
In dem dynamischen Kontext, in dem Krankenhäuser Immobilieninvestitionen tätigen, ist der Krankenhausvorstand als zentraler Interessenvertreter fí¼r die Abwägung der Interessen der unterschiedlichen Interessenvertreter, die Abstimmung von Einrichtungszielen mit der Aufgabe und Vorstellung der Organisation und die Bewertung dessen, ob alle diese Ziele in der Planung des Krankenhausgebäudes erreicht werden, verantwortlich.
1 Eine integrierte Entwicklung des organisatorischen Managements und des Immobilienmanagements wird empfohlen, um das Einrichtungsmanagement auf die Vorstellung, Aufgabe und die Ziele der Krankenhausorganisation auszurichten.
Die Planung der Krankenhauseinrichtung erfordert eine ausgeglichene Analyse der mãglichen Mehrwerte der Immobilie. Wichtige Werte umfassen: Nutzerwerte wie die Verbesserung der Organisationskultur, Zufriedenheit von Patienten und Mitarbeitern; Produktionswerte wie Reduzierung von Einrichtungskosten und Steigerung der Produktivität und Nutzungsflexibilität; Zukunftswerte wie beispielsweise Reduzierung der Risiken der Immobilie und Steigerung finanzieller Mãglichkeiten, Unterstí¼tzung des Erscheinungsbilds der Organisation und Nachhaltigkeit.
Das Management der Krankenhauseinrichtung erfordert eine sorgsame Berí¼cksichtigung der Interessen, Präferenzen und Anforderungen der unterschiedlichen Interessenvertreter und Perspektiven auf strategische Entscheidungen, finanzielle Betrachtungen, Nutzerperspektive und die physikalischen Mãglichkeiten der Immobilie.
Das Erreichen von Mehrwert aus Immobilien erfordert eine Vorab-Formulierung von Einrichtungszielen und nachträgliche Bewertung, ob diese Ziele erreicht wurden. Diese Bewertung der Einrichtungsziele in einer Baugestaltung fordert die Planungsuntersuchung vor der Konstruktion durch Bauplananalysen, in denen die Werte sichtbar und messbar gemacht werden und als solches Teil des Planungsentscheidungsprozesses sind
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