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Intelligence and counter-terrorism policy: a comparative analysis of the EU and the USA
No full textU radu će se pokušati pružiti analiza obavještajnog i protuterorističkog sustava, te približiti
njihov način i djelokrug rada. Teorijskom i policy prizmom prikazat će se uloga obavještajnog
sustava i obavještajnog djelovanja sa svim njegovim disciplinama i komponentama u borbi
protiv terorizma, odnosno kroz aspekt protuterorizma. Elaboracija teorijskog i policy spektra bit
će argumentirana u određenim primjerima impliciranja obavještajnog djelovanja kao instrumenta
protuterorizma, zajedno sa ostalim segmentima primjene „meke i tvrde moći“ država, gdje će se
za primjer uzeti SAD i EU. Na kraju rada će se pružiti kritička usporedba obavještajnog
djelovanja u protuterorizmu SAD-a kao države i nadnacionalne zajednice EU-a, čiji su
demokratski sustavi često poželjna meta terorističkog djelovanja.This paper will attempt to provide analisys of intelligence and counter-terrorism complex, and
try to give a closer look into the way of how intelligence works and scope of the same. The role
of the intelligence system and intelligence work will be presented through theory and policy
prism, along with its disciplines and components in the fighting againts terorism, especially
regarding the term counter-terrorism. Elaboration of theoretical and policy spectre will be
argumented by certain examples of implementing intelligence as an counter-terrorism
instrument, including the other segments of state´s „soft and hard power“, where the USA and
the EU will be taken as an example. And at the end of this paper a critical comparison will be
given, on the intelligence work of the USA and EU, which democratic systems are most of the
time recognized as desirable target of terrorist activity
Tactical use of military snipers
No full textZavršni rad na temu Taktička uporaba vojnih snajpera izrađen je s ciljem boljeg razumijevanja
implementiranja vojnih snajpera na taktičkoj razini te samih njihovih sposobnosti. Rad sadrži
pojmovno određenje radi lakšeg shvaćanja samog rada te primjere reprezentativnih snajperskih
pušaka koje su usko vezane uz same snajperiste. Rad se također temelji na načinu
implementiranja sposobnosti snajperista u napadnim i obrambenim operacijama u urbanom
području. Kako bi snajperske operacije mogle biti obuhvaćene planskim procesom, bitno je da se
snajperiste obuči, opremi i uvježba. Kandidati za tu sposobnost moraju završiti snajpersku obuku
kroz koju savladaju sve bitne elemente za precizne pogotke kao što su primjerice određivanje
ciljeva po prioritetima ili po zapovijedi, diferencijacija ciljeva sukladno pravilima ratovanja i
konvencija i dr.The final paper on the topic Tactical use of military snipers was created for better understanding
of the implementation of military snipers on tactical level and their capabilities. The work
contains a conceptual definition for easier understanding of the finals work itself and examples
of representative sniper rifles that are closely related to the snipers themselves. The work is also
based on how snipers are deployed in offensive and defensive operations in an urban area. For
sniper operations to be included in the planning process, it is essential that snipers are trained,
equipped, and trained. Candidates for this ability must complete sniper training, through which
they master all the essential elements for precise hits, such as determining targets by priorities or
by command, differentiation of targets in accordance with the rules of warfare and conventions,
etc
Special forces in the future security and operational environment
No full textSigurnosna situacija današnjice predstavlja vrlo zamršenu sliku. Razoreno nizom sukoba interesa
velikih sila s trećim svjetskim ratom koji doslovce kuca na vrata, političkim nadmetanjima,
unutar državnim nestabilnostima, informacijskim ratovanjem te nizom drugih sigurnosnih
prijetnji poput terorizma, migracija, organiziranog kriminala i sl., operativno i sigurnosno
okružje nalazi se u kompleksnoj poziciji te se postavlja pitanje koje radnje i postupke poduzeti
kako bi promijenili budućnost nabolje. Ne čudi, dakle, kako se naglasak stavlja na vojsku kao
jednog od glavnih elemenata za borbu protiv spomenutih prijetnji.
Buduće operativno i sigurnosno okružje bit će popraćeno sve češćim međudržavnim i
unutardržavnim sukoba te će osim konvencionalnog načina ratovanja bit zapaženo ono
psihološko i informacijsko. Osim toga, eksponencijalni rast i razvoj tehnologije, sve veća
autonomija oružanih sustava te sam tempo promjene svjetskog poretka jedni su od brojnih
faktora koji mijenjaju globalnu sliku. Vojske, a u kontekstu ovog rada specijalne snage, moraju
razvijati nove operativne koncepte te sposobnosti potrebne za suočavanje s novim sigurnosnim
prijetnjama. Kao takve, specijalne snage predstavljaju vrh koplja vojne organizacije kada dođe
do provođenja zadaća.
Koje su to kompetencije, znanja, vještine i sposobnosti koje će specijalne snage morati razviti za
obavljanje operacija unutar budućeg sigurnosnog i operativnog okružja? Kakvo će biti buduće
sigurnosno i operativno okruženje? Trebaju li specijalne snage nastaviti temeljiti svoje operacije
na već dokazanim principima ili se potpuno prilagoditi novonastalim situacijama? Ovaj rad teži
predviđanju budućeg operativnog okružja te razvitka specijalnih snaga unutar istog.The current security situation presents a highly complex picture. With a series of conflicts of
interest among major powers, the looming threat of a third world war, political rivalries, internal
instability, information warfare, and a range of other security threats such as terrorism,
migration, organized crime, etc., the operational and security environment finds itself in a
complex position, raising the question of what actions and measures should be taken to change
the future for the better. It is not surprising, therefore, that emphasis is placed on the military as
one of the main elements in the fight against these threats. The future operational and security
environment will be marked by increasingly frequent interstate and intrastate conflicts, and in
addition to conventional warfare, psychological and information warfare will also be observed.
Furthermore, exponential growth and development of technology, increasing autonomy of
weapon systems, and the pace of change in the global order are among the many factors that are
changing the global landscape. Armed forces, and in the context of this paper, special forces,
must develop new operational concepts and capabilities required to address emerging security
threats. As such, special forces represent the cutting edge of military organizations when it
comes to carrying out missions. What competencies, knowledge, skills, and abilities will special
forces need to develop in order to conduct operations within the future security and operational
environment? What will the future security and operational environment be like? Should special
forces continue to base their operations on proven principles or should they completely adapt to
the emerging situations? This paper aims to predict the future operational environment and the
development of special forces within it
A coup d'état as an illegal and violent seizure of power
No full textCilj je rada precizan definicijski okvir te analiza i interpretacija pojma državnog udara.
Pomoću povijesnih primjera rad objašnjava uzroke koji su bili motivacija za postizanje promjena
i ostvarivanje ciljeva državnih udara. Potrebno je analizirati politički okvir presudan za pojavu
državnog udara te razlikovati kvalitetno pripremljen udar popraćen opravdanim ciljevima od
onih koji su bili samo želja za vlašću i moći. Uz motive, potrebno je pojasniti ulogu stanovništva
kao najbrojnijeg dionika, ali i dionike državnih služba i vlasti. U radu se analiziraju najpoznatiji
primjeri državnih udara u povijesti. Osim uspješnih, analiziraju se i neuspjeli državni udari te
posljedice koje su ostavili na države. Potrebno je prosuditi jesu li promjene koje su stvorene
državnim udarom opravdano okrenule narod protiv vlasti te usporedbom sličnih događaja
donijeti relevantan zaključak. Rad analizira je li državni udar isključivo ilegalan i nasilan oblik
preuzimanja vlasti ili je pak i negacija postojećih strahovlada. Rad koristi metode sinteze i
analize te komparaciju kroz sekundarne izvore u vidu literature, istraživanja i znanstvenih
radova.The aim of the work is a precise definitional framework and an analysis and
interpretation of the concept of a coup d'état. Through historical examples, the paper explains the
causes that were the motivation for achieving changes and achieving goals. It is necessary to
analyze the political framework crucial for the occurrence of a coup d'état; further, distinguish a
well-prepared coup accompanied by justified goals from those that were just a desire for power
and authority. In addition to motives, it is necessary to clarify the role of the population as the
most numerous stakeholder, but also the stakeholders of state services and authorities. Through
the work, the most famous historical examples are analyzed. In addition to successful coups,
failed coups and the consequences they left on the states are also analyzed. It is necessary to
judge whether the changes created by the coup justifiably turned the people against the
government, and draw a conclusion by comparing similar events. The paper analyzes whether a
coup d'état is exclusively an illegal and violent form of taking power or a negation of existing
terror regimes. The paper uses the methods of synthesis and analysis, as well as comparison
through secondary sources in the form of literature, research, and scientific papers
Child soldiers, victims and perpetrators
No full textIskorištavanje djece u svrhe ratovanja izniman je problem modernog svijeta. Djeca vojnici
podrazumijevaju djevojčice i dječake koji sudjeluju u oružanim sukobima na različite načine, a
zauzimaju širok raspon uloga od boraca, vratara, kuhara do glasnika, no uključeni su i u
seksualno iskorištavanje. UNICEF kaže da je trenutačno 300.000 djece uključeno u oružani
sukob na globalnoj razini, iako je stvarnu pojavu ovog problema teško utvrditi. U svrhu bolje
zaštite prava djece, Fakultativni protokol uz Konvenciju o pravima djeteta o uključivanju djece u
oružane sukobe prihvaćen je 2002. godine. U njima je minimalna dob za izravno sudjelovanje u
oružanim sukobima određena na 18 godina, a uz to ističu i posebnu ranjivost djece i važne
posljedice koje takvo iskustvo ima na njihovu sigurnost i odgovarajući razvoj.The use of children for war purposes is an exceptional problem of the modern world. Child
soldiers include girls and boys who participate in armed conflicts in various ways, and the roles
they occupy include a wide range of fighters, gatekeepers, cooks, messengers, and are used for
the purpose of sexual exploitation. UNICEF says that 300,000 children are currently involved in
armed conflict globally, although the actual incidence of this problem is difficult to determine. In
order to better protect the rights of children, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the
Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflicts was adopted in 2002.,
where the minimum age for direct participation in armed conflicts is set at 18 years, and
highlights the special vulnerability of children and the significant consequences that such
experience has on their safety and proper development
Organizing for Innovation: A Fundamental Review
No full textInnovation is highly sought by organisations and is one of the key factors in boosting
effectiveness, performance, and sustainability across businesses, both in commercial
and defence contexts. Absence of innovation can affect organisations in a number
of ways, including the wasting of opportunities for greater operational effectiveness
and improvement of internal processes, with a negative impact on the motivation
of human resources, the main repositories of knowledge, values, and organisational
culture. Innovative organisations generate a strong sense of belonging across their
ranks and convey an image of effectiveness and fulfilment. The objective of this text
is to analyse the fundamental tenets and trends in organizing for innovation through
a fundamental literature review and critical analysis. The results characterise and
update an overview of current thought on the subject of organizing for innovation,
encompassing culture, processes, and leadership towards a higher innovation maturity
level within organisations, and providing guidelines
Development of VHS platform based assault rifles
No full textJurišna puška VHS-2 polako u cijelosti zamjenjuje svoju prethodnicu, VHS-1. Završni rad
prikazuje razvojni put VHS-2 i u velikoj mjeri služi kao prikaz napredaka ostvarenog razvojem
iste. Rad na početku daje uvod u tematiku tako što definira pojam jurišnih pušaka, ali
istovremeno daje i krati povijesni razvoj. Potom je prikazan razvoj od jurišnih pušaka platforme
VHS od početka devedesetih sve do danas. Uspoređene su dvije inačice koje su zaživjele kao
primarno naoružanje u Oružanim snagama Republike Hrvatske, a zatim su prikazane i inačice
VHS-2S za civilno tržište kao i VHS-F2 za francusku vojsku. Dan je i kratak prijedlog mogućeg
razvojnog puta dodatne opreme za VHS-2, te je provedena usporedba s nekim konkurentnim
platformama.The VHS-2 assault rifle is slowly replacing its predecessor, the VHS-1 rifle. The intention of
this paper is to show development path of the VHS-2, and in great deal to show the amount of
progress that was made by developing that rifle. In the begining the paper gives an introduction
to this field by defining a term assault rifle while at the same time it gives a short historical
development. After that the development of the VHS platform assault rifles is given, since the
1990`s until present day. The two variants that saw service in the Armed forces of the Republic
of Croatia are compared, and after that the VHS-2S rifle, made for civilian use, is presented,
along with the VHS-F2 made for the French army. A short paragraph follows which gives a few
suggestions considering a possible development of additional equipment for the VHS-2. In the
end a short comparison is made between the VHS-2 and a few competitive platforms
Perspectives and development possibilities of Crisis management staff in The Republic of Croatia
No full textU ovom radu se analizira sustav sadašnjeg načina rada stožera za upravljanje krizama u
Republici Hrvatskoj, te nastoje razraditi prijedlozi za poboljšanje njegovog djelovanja. Tema je
razrađena kroz nekoliko povezanih dijelova. Nakon prvog uvodnog dijela, u drugom dijelu će
biti napravljen opis pojma krizno upravljanje, a u ovom dijelu je ujedno i provedena analiza
trenutnog načina rada stožera za upravljanje krizama sa svim njegovim općim funkcijama i
pripadnicima.
Treći dio se odnosi na prikaz djelovanja stožera kroz dvije studije slučaja koje zahtijevaju
upravljanje kriznom situacijom, djelovanje u slučaju požara i djelovanje u slučaju potresa.
U četvrtom dijelu rada će biti izneseni prijedlozi za poboljšanje te mogućnosti razvoja stožera za
upravljanje krizama, koji čine sukus cijelog rada, a odnose se na organizaciju stožera, sastav i
strukturu odnosa.This paper analyzes the system of working of the headquarters for crisis management in the
Republic of Croatia, and tries to develop proposals for improving its operation. The topic is
elaborated through several connected parts. After the first introductory part, in the second part a
description of the term crisis management is made, and in this part an analysis of the current way
of working of the crisis management headquarters with all its general functions and members is
carried out.
The third part refers to the presentation of the operations of the headquarters through two case
studies that require the management of a crisis situation, operations in the event of a fire and
operations in the event of an earthquake.
In the fourth part of the work, proposals are presented for improving and developing the crisis
management headquarters
The violations of international humanitarian law against the persons forcibly taken from the Vukovar hospital and murdered at Ovčara
No full textThis article contains the analysis of the violations of international law against
the persons forcibly taken from the Vukovar hospital after the fall of the city in
1991. It starts from the findings of the historians of the Croatian Homeland War
concerning the changes of structure of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) during
the process of dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY),
then of forces attacking Vukovar, and of the hidden role of the Republic of Serbia
(Serbia). With a view to international law, the author analyses the negotiations that
should have resulted with the evacuation of the wounded and sick from the Hospital.
The analysis also covers the JNA’s acts that led to the atrocity at Ovčara. Based on
insights into the documentation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the “Vukovar Hospital” case, and available sources from the
trials conducted in Belgrade against the immediate executors, the attitudes towards
the legal qualification of the armed conflict have been examined, as well as of the
victims and of the criminal offences against them. All of that is observed in relation
to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, the Additional Protocols of 1977, international
customary law, the Statute of the ICTY and the opinions of the selected Croatian and
foreign legal writers, including some Yugoslav, as well as some contemporary Serbian
legal writers. The conclusion is that both the ICTY and Serbia were not ready to admit
the existence (at least as of 8 October 1991) of the international armed conflict. If they
did, it would have led to application of a larger body of rules of international treaty
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Ivica Kinder
law regarding the variety of victims and, consequently, to more severe punishments
for the perpetrators. Instead, the status of persons murdered at Ovčara had not been
examined sufficiently, as not all of them were pure Croatian soldiers who became the
prisoners of war, as some of them were also hors de combat or even wounded and sick
civilians, or medical staff and other Hospital employees, or vulnerable civilians who
were entitled to additional protection. Finally, there is a conclusion that the court trials,
despite of perennial length and a few final convictions, brought neither the complete
establishment of the facts nor sufficiently comprehensive criminal responsibility.
Thus, neither satisfaction of international criminal justice nor sufficient contribution
to peace and reconciliation process were achieved.U članku se analiziraju kršenja međunarodnog prava na štetu osoba nasilno odvedenih iz vukovarske bolnice nakon pada obrane grada. Polazi se od istraživanja povjesničara Domovinskog rata o promjenama u sastavu Jugoslavenske narodne armije (JNA) tijekom raspada Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije (SFRJ), o snagama koje su napadale Vukovar, te o prikrivenoj ulozi Republike Srbije (RS). Kroz prizmu međunarodnog prava analiziraju se pregovori koji su trebali dovesti do evakuacije ranjenika i bolesnika iz bolnice, kao i postupanja JNA koja su dovela do zločina na Ovčari. Na osnovu uvida u dokumentaciju Međunarodnog kaznenog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju (MKSJ) u predmetu „Vukovarska bolnica“, pa i dostupnih izvora o suđenju neposrednim izvršiteljima u Beogradu, analizira se pristup kvalifikaciji oružanog sukoba, žrtava zločina, te kaznenih djela počinjenih na njihovu štetu. Navedeno se promatra u svjetlu Ženevskih konvencija iz 1949., Dopunskih protokola iz 1977., međunarodnog običajnog prava, Statuta MKSJ, te mišljenja pojedinih hrvatskih i stranih pravnih pisaca, uključujući neke jugoslavenske pisce uoči raspada SFRJ i neke srbijanske u sadašnje doba. Analiza rezultira zaključkom o nespremnosti MKSJ i RS za priznanje činjenice postojanja, najkasnije od 8. 10. 1991., međunarodnog oružanog sukoba. Da je bilo takve spremnosti, to bi bilo dovelo do primjene šireg kruga pravila međunarodnog ugovornog prava glede raznih kategorija žrtava i, posljedično, do još težih kazni za počinitelje. Umjesto toga, status osoba ubijenih na Ovčari nije bio ispitan u dovoljnoj mjeri, jer svi oni nisu bili puki pripadnici hrvatskih snaga koji su postali ratni zarobljenici, već je bilo i hors de combat, kao i ranjenih i bolesnih civila, sanitetskog osoblja i drugih zaposlenika bolnice, te ranjivih kategorija civila pod dodatnom zaštitom. Konačno, zaključak je i kako suđenja, unatoč višegodišnjem trajanju i nekoliko pravomoćnih osuda, nisu donijela potpuno utvrđenje činjeničnog stanja, niti dovoljno opsežnu kaznenopravnu odgovornost. Tako u kaznenopravnom smislu nije zadovoljena međunarodna pravda niti je dat dovoljan doprinos procesima mira i pomirbe
The programme of reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina:Cooperation or membership?
No full textThis paper problematizes the content and meaning of the document “BiH Reform
Programme”, initially published for the period of November 2019 – November
2020, and later submitted under the same name for 2021 and 2022, and seeks to
answer whether these documents are Annual National Programmes (ANP) which
imply the activation of the NATO Membership Action Plan. The content of the
document is analysed in relation to the prescribed form of NATO’s Annual National
Programmes and compared to the documents of countries that were aspirants for
NATO membership, such as Montenegro and North Macedonia, as well as the
current aspirant Ukraine. Since the content and meaning of the document have been
interpreted differently by politicians, military experts, and the media in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, it is necessary to define the status of the “BiH Reform Programme”
document through the prism of real facts. After the general elections in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, a coalition agreement was reached between political parties for the
establishment of the government at the state level, entitled “Guidelines, Principles,
and Objectives in the Executive and Legislative Authority at the BiH Level for the
Period 2022 – 2026”. Since this agreement does not mention NATO cooperation
or integration, the question of the real meaning of the “BiH Reform Programme”
document and what we can expect in the future regarding relations with NATO is
once again raised.U ovom se radu problematizira sadržaj i značenje dokumenta „Program reformi BiH”, koji je inicijalno objavljen za razdoblje studeni 2019. – studeni 2020., a poslije pod istim imenom poslan za 2021. i 2022. godinu. Traži se odgovor jesu li ovi dokumenti Godišnji nacionalni programi (ANP) koji znače aktiviranje Akcijskog plana za članstvo u NATO savezu. Sadržaj dokumenta analiziran je s obzirom na propisanu formu Godišnjih nacionalnih programa NATO-a i uspoređen je s dokumentima zemalja koje su bile aspirantice za članstvo u NATO-u: Crne Gore i Republike Sjeverne Makedonije te sadašnje aspirantice Ukrajine. Budući da je inicijalno od strane političara, vojnih stručnjaka i medija u Bosni i Hercegovini na različit način protumačen sadržaj i značenje dokumenta, potrebno je kroz prizmu stvarnih činjenica definirati status dokumenta „Program reformi BiH”. Nakon provedenih općih izbora u BiH, sklopljen je koalicijski sporazum između političkih stranaka za uspostavu vlasti na državnoj razini pod nazivom „Smjernice, načela i ciljevi u izvršnoj i zakonodavnoj vlasti na nivou BiH za razdoblje 2022. – 2026. godina”. Budući da ovaj sporazum ne spominje NATO suradnju ili integraciju, ponovno se nameće pitanje stvarnog značenja dokumenta „Program reformi BiH” i pitanje što možemo očekivati u budućnosti kada su u pitanju odnosi s NATO-om