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Continuing Global Fertility Convergence
Get PDFThis study reexamines fertility convergence by extending Dorius (2008), who explored global
fertility convergence with quinquennial data from 1955–2005. Using annual data for 187
countries in 1960–2017, this study examines global as well as regional fertility convergence
from three angles: β-convergence, inequality indices, and standard deviation. β-convergence is
defined as the greater rate of fertility decline in higher-fertility countries compared to
lower-fertility countries. Inequality indices and standard deviation are used to examine fertility
convergence in terms of the decline in inequality (σ-convergence).
This study confirms the finding of Dorius (2008) that global fertility convergence starts in the
second half of the 1990s. Moreover, this study finds that global fertility convergence continues
after 2005 until 2017. It comprehensively examines fertility convergence by region for the first
time and finds that fertility convergence/divergence is predicted by the level of total fertility
rate (TFR)† in 1960. In regions with a mean TFR of six or less in 1960 (Europe, East Asia and
the Pacific, Central Asia, and the Americas), fertility has been converging in recent decades,
while fertility convergence is not confirmed in regions with a mean TFR of over six in 1960
(the Middle East and North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, and South Asia). The result is
consistent with another finding of this study: that global fertility convergence is more clearly
observed if conducting a β-convergence estimation with samples of TFR1960≦5.8.departmental bulletin pape
変化する環境と日本の援助政策～二つの政府開発援助大綱の策定から～
Get PDF本稿は二つの ODA 大綱（1992、2003 年）の策定に影響を及ぼした要因と日本政府の対応を検証した。政府の援助基本方針である両大綱が策定されたのは、冷戦の終結あるいは米国の一極支配の揺らぎと多極化といった国際秩序の転換期に重なる。いずれも日本の国際的な地位と日本への関心が変化し、ODA について従前のあり方が厳しく問われた時代であった。両大綱のテキスト自体は、各時代の国際開発援助 レジームへの整合性を担保しつつ、独自性を発揮する努力が反映されている。他方でそれらが主に標的と した読者は、むしろ国内の利害関係者であった。1992 大綱は ODA に対して理念や規律を求める世論・メディアへの対応であり、また野党の政治介入を回避し行政の裁量を確保することが企図された。2003 改定大綱は、長期の経済停滞を一因とする ODA に対する消極的な世論の下、狭義の国益追求と ODA 政策に説明責任や透明性を求めるという、多様化し場合によっては対立する利害に対応しようとしたものである。departmental bulletin pape
Second Chance Education in Northern Uganda: Pathways and Motivation
Get PDFThe provision of education during and post- conflict has been identified as a significant challenge, with resulting impacts for children and young people which are lifelong. The quest to regain education when it has been lost is important for those victims of conflict. This paper takes as its focus the education of individuals whose schooling was interrupted during and after the conflict in Northern Uganda (1996-2006) and examines the challenges to, and motivations for, pursuing second chance education. 30 life story interviews were conducted in Uganda in 2016, and reveal limited opportunities for education during the period specified, with significant challenges in access and provision. Motivations for pursuing education despite the many barriers to be overcome include education for transformation – material, individual, as empowerment, as catharsis, and as a dynamic for peace. It is clear that while a number of agencies supported educational initiatives during and post conflict in certain parts of the region this was not widespread, uniform, nor sustainable. The type of education offered is also discussed particularly in regard to employment outcomes. Nonetheless, the burning desire to continue on their educational pathway is a primary focus in the lives of young people and the government is urged to put in place initiatives to allow a return to school or a comparable education programme, to strengthen the human capital of the country as well as that of individuals.departmental bulletin pape
Willingness to Pay for Mortality Risk Reduction from Air Quality Improvement: Evidence from Urban Bangladesh
Get PDFThis paper reports on the first attempt to measure the value of statistical life (VSL) in the context of mortality risk from air pollution in urban Bangladesh, using the contingent valuation (CV) method. The CV survey was conducted in 2013 in Dhaka and Chittagong, the two most densely populated cities in the country. We asked individuals willingness to pay (WTP) for mortality risk reduction from air quality improvement program and found that willingness to pay is correlated with the socio-economic characteristics, health status, and risk perception of the respondents, consistently with existing studies. The bootstrapped mean of VSL is ranged from 17,480-22,463 USD in purchasing power parity terms, which is equivalent to 9.78-12.57 times of GDP per capita of Bangladesh. Considering our study setting, the results we obtained may be regarded as a lower bound of VSL estimates in the context of environmental risk reductions in Bangladesh.departmental bulletin pape
Measuring Transformational Pedagogies Across G20 Countries to Achieve Breakthrough Learning: The Case for Collaboration
Get PDFGiven the urgent need to transform traditional teaching and learning practices in
order to prepare students with the breadth of skills needed for the future, it is urgent
that G20 countries collaborate quickly to develop a breakthrough set of measures to
track pedagogical transformation. Currently, no country has the data or assessments
it needs to track if these pedagogical changes are happening and whether students
are mastering the desired skills. International and national education assessments
use metrics that only partially indicate whether a country is headed in the right
direction. We recommend the G20 establish a Task Force made up of leading thinkers
from the G20 and around the globe to develop these shared measures.articl
戦後日本における ODA 言説の転換過程――利己主義的な見地は如何にして前景化してきたか――
Get PDF本稿は、利他主義的な見地／利己主義的な見地という分析枠組みを導入し、日本における ODA 言説の変遷を跡づけたものである。日本の ODA 言説において利他主義的な見地（国際的に「貢献」するため、人道的な問題を解決するため）が後景化し、利己主義的な見地（「国益」のための「戦略」的な援助を、「顔が見える」援助を）が前景化した経緯を詳らかにすることを目的とする。具体的には 1970 年代から 1990 年代末に見られた ODA 言説の変遷を俎上に載せた。このような歴史的な検討を踏まえたうえで、開発協力大綱の策定を受けて「国益」追求の是非が問われる現況において、日本の開発協力についての理論的な考察の重要性が高まっていることを示唆した。
ODA 言説の変遷については、以下のような区分で描き出した。第一に、利他主義的見地が前景化する
1970 年代の様相である。日本を「大国」かつ「平和国家」として主体化する実践が勢いづくなかで利他主義的な見地が形成され、ODA が脱政治化されていく様子に触れた。第二に、1980 年代から 1990 年代初頭に見られた新たな言説を形づくる契機を取り上げた。湾岸危機・戦争を機に広まった存在論的不安と、経団連に鬱積していた危機意識に端を発する利己主義的な見地の萌芽を視野に入れた。第三に、1990 年代半ば頃から利己主義的な見地が前景化する様子に焦点を当てた。ODA 予算削減と対中経済制裁をめぐる言動を事例として検討した。総じて ODA という単一の政策領域のなかだけでなく、日本の対外政策一般をめぐる政治コミュニケーションのなかで ODA 言説が形づくられてきた様子が明らかになった。departmental bulletin pape
日本の環境援助の史的展開：日本の環境援助はなぜ有効性と競争優位が低下したのか？
Get PDF本稿は、日本の環境援助のマクロでの有効性、及び受取国にとっての受容性や当事者意識の確保における他ドナーとの間での競争力が、気候変動援助の主流化とモジュラー型イノベーションへのシフト、新興ドナーの出現等の外的環境の変化によってどのように変化したのか、そしてなぜ変化したのかを、支援内容とそのモダリティの 2 つの観点から解明することを目的とした。分析の結果、下記の 4 点を明らかにした。
第 1 に、環境援助の初期には、受取国の関心が高かった都市環境対策や産業公害対策に日本のみが多額の資金と技術的解決法、及び対策経験を供給していたことが、他の供与国と比較した際の日本の環境援助の競争優位の源泉となっていた。第 2 に、その支援は高い環境改善効果が期待されたものの、必ずしも費用効率性の高いものではなかった。第3 に、外部環境の変化による支援内容とモダリティに対するニーズの変化に日本の環境援助とその技術的解決法の主な供給者である日本企業は十分に対応できなかった。第 4 に、この結果、日本の環境援助の有効性と競争優位は低下した。departmental bulletin pape
Sustainable Financing for Development
Get PDFDeveloping countries face challenges in using cross-border capital flows
to fund investments in sustainable development. International financial
institutions have a key role to play in minimizing risks to developing
economies while ensuring more efficient allocation of public and private
capital. However, the global financial architecture is not yet fit for the
task. To advance sustainable financing, we recommend that the Japanese
G20: (i) agree on measures to catalyze and mobilize private capital in
support of the SDGs; (ii) promote measures to improve the allocation of
development finance; and (iii) establish, and encourage commitment to,
funding approaches for global public goods.articl
Scaling Up Business Impact on the SDGs
Get PDFAchieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) requires redefining the
purpose of business and scaling up their impact. However, there are challenges such
as the gap between good intentions and real actions; conflict between the current
economic system and SDG thinking; limited understanding of how business is
embedded in society; and capacity constraints in developing countries to take full
advantage of emerging business opportunities. We propose that the leaders of the
G20 take necessary action in four areas: a) encourage corporates to embed SDGs into
their core business strategies and operations; b) reshape the economic system
around the common good; c) create a “sustainable ecosystem” for shaping a
beneficial environment for all stakeholders; and d) upgrade the enterprises and
policy/regulatory capabilities of developing countries to maximize the potential
benefits of their participation in Global Value Chains.articl
International Power Structure and Strategic Motivations: Democracy Support from Japan and Indonesia
Get PDFEast Asian countries have traditionally been recognized as prioritizing sovereignty over democracy and human rights norms in their foreign policies. However, this sovereignty-weighted approach appears to have changed somewhat since the mid-2000s as East Asian democracies such as Japan and Indonesia have upgraded their support for democracy abroad. These countries began sharing their own experiences with democratization and providing the capacity-building assistance necessary for the operation of democratic institutions as well as material and financial assistance for elections, state institutions, and civil society organizations that promote democratic governance. This paper examines the state of and the motivations for their support of democracy, positioning the work as a pilot study from which to make an argument applicable to, and testable with, the cases of democracy support by other third-generation democracy promoters.
This paper argues that the support from Japan and Indonesia for democracy has significant commonalities not only in terms of the timing of its emergence, but also in terms of content, and that both countries use regime-compatible approaches. Concerning the motivations behind support for democracy, the paper argues that while democratic norms function as the background identity of the countries, they are not explanatory variables. Rather, the two countries commonly began supporting democracy strategically as a foreign policy tool: Indonesia intended to expand its international influence to match its rising international status as a middle-income country, and Japan sought to strengthen its own ties with the US and to expand its influence vis-à-vis China at the time of its declining international status. In other words, the two countries’ strategic incentives were motivated by the tectonic shift in the international power structure, which thus functions as the independent variable while the strategic incentives can be identified as intervening variables.departmental bulletin pape