Tallinn University Publications
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The Architecture of Security in the Eurasian Region: Is Russia still a Guarantor of Regional Security?
No full textVarious attempts of Russian political leaders to keep their formerly subordinated nations under a strong influence of regional military-political and economic coalitions headed by Moscow are treated differently by the West, by Russia itself, and by the post-Soviet states. On the one hand, despite the withdrawal of the Warsaw Treaty and the Soviet Union in 1991, and the end of the Cold War between two blocks, the West still depicts Russia as an unfriendly state ready to attack Europe at any time, and calls the allies to more careful watchfulness over the “Russian bear”. On the other hand, Russia itself is more preoccupied with NATO’s enlargement towards the East, the import of “hybrid” wars and “colour” revolutions, and the stirring up of terrorism and religious extremism stemming from Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. While the post-Soviet states, which are geopolitically located under Moscow’s umbrella, demonstrate loyalty and form alliances with Russia for their own sake, Russia could guarantee the preservation of the existing regimes and their states’ sovereignty and give them political freedom to realise a “multi-factor” foreign policy by balancing the strongest powers in the region. However, Moscow is trying to avoid the role of the “watchdog” of the region, looks for stronger allies to strengthen its global positions, and has already prioritised the global Shanghai Cooperation Organization over the regional one. The article gives a picture of the existing security system in the post-Soviet space in the military-political and economic aspects, and provides tentative suggestions on the main trends and problems in the system
Objectives of Governance: A Comparison of Islamic and Western Traditions in the Context of Pakistan
No full textAn Islamic state led by a Caliph works to achieve objectives of Islamic governance. The objectives of governance between Western (secular democratic system) and Islamic traditions have close proximity, at least in words. These objectives include collective action (ijtimaiyat) and social justice (Aadalah). Collective action is used to provide basic human rights, while the comparable Islamic term ijtimaiya is aimed at providing basic protections. A Western nation state is defined by having legitimacy to tax and maintain an army for defence, while in Islam, comparable terms, though having difference, are Zakat and Jihad. It is required that an Islamic state should achieve effective internal governance by developing legal instruments for achieving the objectives, even if it works under Khilafah, or democracy
Poliitiline kodakondsus järeldemokraatia ületamisel
No full textKodakondsus on tänapäeva riigi- ja ühiskonnakorralduse üks alusinstitutsioone. Alamate muutumine vabadeks kodanikeks ja ühiselt rahvaks kui kõrgema võimu kandjaks on üks keskseid moodsa riigi tekkega kaasnenud muutusi. Kodanikkond ehk rahvas on maa-ala ja suveräänse avaliku võimu kõrval 1933. aasta Montevideo konventsiooni kohaselt üks riigi põhielemente.
From Norm Emergence to active Promotion through the Courts: A Case Study of the Right to be forgotten
No full textThis article deals with the ‘right to be forgotten’ as defined in the EU General Data Protection Regulation, which is set to enter into force in May 2018. The development of the right to be forgotten is viewed in light of two concepts, which so far have not been addressed by academics writing on the subject. First, the right to be forgotten is reviewed in the eyes of Bob’s theory on norm emergence, acceptance and internationalisation. Second, the role of the courts in the development of this right is discussed using the legal interpretivist approach defined by Dworkin. For this court-driven approach, jurisprudence from Europe (Germany, Netherlands, France and the United Kingdom) and outside of Europe (United States) is reviewed. The goal of both approaches is to establish to what extent the right to be forgotten so far has stuck to known concepts regarding the emergence of human rights and to provide an outlook on what future developments the right to be forgotten would have to take in order to become an established, customary norm in the future
Complexities of Participating in Estonian Labour Market: Experiences of Persons with Mental Health Problems, Employers and Service Providers
No full textThe article explores how mental health services, social services and support from employers enable young persons with mental health problems to participate in the labour market. The qualitative study based on 32 semi-structured interviews was carried out within the framework of the project “Positive Attitude Development (PAD) – access to labour market for young adults with mental health problems” among persons with mental health problems, service providers and employers in Estonia. The results showed that young people with mental health problems, aged 18-35, are interested in participating in the labour market, but they experience multiple problems in different domains of life due to their disease, an insufficient educational level and working skills, and the lack of a supportive environment. Employers are motivated to employ them, but they need more support and counselling. A various selection of supportive services has been developed and provided by the Unemployment Insurance Fund, but the availability varies in different Estonian regions. The service providers and specialists point out the positive influence of the closest network and support programmes. The main supportive key elements were identified to be the following: (1) increasing tolerance and changing attitudes towards mental health problems in society; (2) more equal and open opportunities to participate in community life; (3) the need for the provision of specific support services in order to increase the self-confidence and working skills of youth and to develop the cooperation between service providers and employers; (4) more flexible solutions are needed for encouraging employment and entrepreneurship among vulnerable people in the community. Using the potential of the Estonian eGovernance system, easy access to entrepreneurial opportunities, flexible part-time positions and taxation solutions are needed to increase entrepreneurial spirit among young people with mental health problems
Ambiguity as a Condition of Possibility: the European Endowment for Democracy and Democracy Promotion in the Caucasus
No full textIn June 2012, the European Endowment for Democracy (EED) was established with an aim to address the shortcomings of existing EU programmes and provide direct assistance to opposition forces and civil society groups in both the Southern and Eastern Neighbourhood. According to its Statutes, the EED is governed by EU member states and institutions, but is officially registered as a private foundation under the Belgian law. Institutional ambiguity was meant to enable the EED to operate in a more flexible and less bureaucratic manner. Yet, the blurred position of the Endowment has also catalysed a constellation of interests and divergent approaches related to the mere methods and objectives of democratisation policies (regime change vs. incremental transformation, empowering subjects vs. democratising institutions, visibility vs. discrete operations). Through a particular focus on EED interventions in Armenia and Azerbaijan, based on participant observation and a series of interviews conducted in Brussels and the Caucasus, the contribution argues that ambiguity does not represent an obstacle to the operationalisation of the EU democracy support policy. On the contrary, oversights and differences of interpretation about the “problem” to be addressed and the methods to be implemented constitute the very condition of possibility for the autonomisation of democracy assistance and the maintenance of several initiatives in the region
Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice
No full textThe paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime\u27s ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented) that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system
Kuidas Eesti demokraatia töötab? Metateoreetiliste eelduste roll poliitikas
No full text Eesti poliitika üheks põhitunnuseks on mitmete 1990ndate alguses kujunenud poliitiliste institutsioonide rajasõltuvus, mille ideoloogilist sisu tähistab mõiste rahvusliberalism. Näiteks Eesti valitsuste majanduspoliitiline reaktsioon kõigile senistele majanduskriisidele on olnud eelkõige rahanduspoliitiline, seades esikohale eelarve tasakaalu põhimõtte, mis aga teatud tingimustes ja strateegilise pilguga vaadates on vägagi küsitav
Две версии одного события (Исторический комментарий к анекдоту С. Д. Довлатова) [Two Versions of the Same Event: A Historical Note to Sergei Dovaltov’s Anecdote]
No full textThe article analyzes an anecdote about a Soviet official visiting Poland after WWII as represented in Sergei Dovlatov’s cycle “Solo na undervude” (1980), and provides the anecdote’s alternative version. This alternative version contains exactly the same plot, yet varies on the plane of characters’ names, and in one detail in the ending. Despite these slight variations, both the Dovlatov version and the version the article’s author learned from the Polish intellectual and former political prisoner Adam Michnik, are centered on exactly the same theme: the theme of the opposition of a writer to the power of a totalitarian state
Learning from Decisive Battles Prerequisites to Define and Identify Them. The legacy of Sir Edward S. Creasy for the imagination and predictions of war
No full textThe idea that wars can be ended with a single blow has hypnotised generals and military thinkers for centuries. However, it seems that the notion of “decisive battle” was firmly established only in the middle of the 19th century by the British author Edward S. Creasy. Creasy’s book The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World inspired a tradition of historiography seeking to define the most important battles in the history of mankind. Importantly, Creasy noted not only the short-term strategic, but also the long-term social and political consequences of the decisive battles of his choice. This essay analyses the original concepts of Creasy, and also the later changes and additions to the tradition, created by Creasy, by the late 19th century and the 20th century Anglo-Saxon and German historians and writers. It argues that “decisive battle” is a concept of hindsight and a tool for historians, as the importance and the decisiveness of individual military engagements can only be gauged from a temporal distance. This has probably been never as true as in the ongoing “war on terror.”