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Poliitilise debati kultuurist Eestis: peaministrikandidaatide debattide diskursuse funktsionalistlik analüüs
No full textThe article analyses the televised debates between prime ministerial candidates in order to understand, what kind of information do such debates offer to Estonian voters and how to characterise Estonian political debate culture and electoral campaign culture more generally. In order to do so, the authors apply the functional theory of political campaign discourse, with some advanced modifications incorporated that enable to answer research questions about whether televised debates focus more on policy or character, how confrontational the debates are and how much attention is devoted to governance challenges ahead in comparison to issues of the day and past deeds. The results indicate that as in other countries where the functional theory has been applied before, the debates are dominated by the policy focus and positive messages, but that character and confrontational discourse have become more used over the past 10 years. Thus, the electoral competition has become more aggressive on the discursive level – a trait characteristic to americanisation of political campaigning. Yet, the analysis also unveiled some specific characteristics of Estonian debate culture which may possibly also serve future development of the functional theory
Relatsiooniline lähenemine Eesti tööturu analüüsil
No full textThe aim of the article is to show how to apply relational approach as a base for empirical research frame. The article focuses on the relational approach, Bourdieu social practice theory and Ridgeway status belief theory. As a method, half-structured focus group interviews were carried out. As a result, it is seen that different subject positions in Estonian labour market perceive differently the scope of the problem, reasons and solution. Above mentioned approach outlines how inequality is reproduced in the Estonian labour market and gives the possibility to further analyze how a cooperation perspective could be incorporated in the future.
Из Именного указателя к «Записным книжкам» Ахматовой [From An Index to Anna Akhmatova’s “Notebooks”]
No full textThis article is the 33 installment in the series of annotations to Anna Akhmatova’s Notebooks. This particular installment concerns the following persons mentioned in Akhmatova’s notes: Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich (1873—1955), Ivan Bunin (1870—1953), Nadezhda Gedeonova (1898—1973), Anna Gorenko (i. e. the future Anna Akhmatova herself, 1889—1966), Aleksei Kruchenykh (1886—1968), Olga Kutasova (1929—2013), Viacheslav Losev (1890—1942), Vítězslav Nezval (1900—1958), Pavel Radimov (1887—1967), Elizaveta Tarakhovskaia (née Parnokh, 1895—1968), and Iakov Cherniak (1898—1955)
Keiserlik-kuningliku armee mitmekesistest vormipükstest (1867–1918). Sõjaväeline ühtlustamine ja territoriaalse koostöö võimalused [On the Diversity of Pants in the Imperial and Royal Army (1867–1918). Dichotomy of Regional Traditions and State Centralism]
No full textThis article deals with the process of army reformation during the late Habsburg Monarchy and discusses the role of local military privileges in the state structure, governance and territorial cooperation of the Empire.
The late Habsburg Monarchy was a country of permanent modernization that could easily be traced in many aspects of life, the military among them. Starting in 1868, the Habsburgs applied universal conscription for their army and began a long-term programme of reformation and improvement in their armed forces. Th e main architect of the programme was archduke Albrecht and his main ideas were realized in the army until 1914. Among the most important components of the military reform was following the unifi cation and centralization of the army, cancellation of local military privileges and creation of a single governing body for all the soldiers of the Empire – k. u. k. Ministry of War in Vienna. At the same time, we could see that even after 1868 there were several territories with local military privileges at diff erent levels. The main task of this article is to discuss the real role of such privileges in the imperial military structure and fi gure out the main reasons for their existence, often in contradiction to the centralistic attempts of the Empire. By 1914, the Habsburgs cancelled the military privileges of Fiume, Catarro, Trieste, Dalmatia and Military Frontier, but at the same time kept them for Tirol and Vorarlberg, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia to say nothing of Hungary. In each case there the Habsburgs had their own reasons why they refused to unify the whole military system of the Monarchy and retained military autonomy for some territories. At the same time, this situation brought to life diff erent forms of cohesion and coherence at diff erent levels – from community self-defence organizations in Tirol and Vorarlberg to the Ministry of Territorial Defence and Territorial Army (Honvéd) in Hungary.
The realities of the Great War demonstrated further development of the above listed processes, when on the one hand, the army was very much unifi ed in its organization and governing structure, on the other, the separate administrative status of Hungary gave it the right to discuss its role in the war and oppose attempts by Vienna to mobilize huge military contingents for the front
Ukraina rahvusväeosade loomine Vene armees 1917. aastal [The Creation of Ukrainian National Military Units Within the Russian Army in 1917]
No full textThis article is devoted to the process of the formation of Ukrainian national units within the Russian Army aft er the February revolution.
In February 1917, the monarchy was overthrown in Russia and the Provisional Government came to power. The revolutionary wave touched the Russian army, where almost four million Ukrainians were serving at the time. On 9 March, the great meeting of Ukrainian officers and soldiers of the Kyiv garrison took place. They decided to consider themselves to be the Ukrainian Military Council, and in such status to direct an official request to the Provisional Government in Petrograd demanding autonomy for Ukraine. Within a week, the Ukrainian Military Club named aft er Hetman Pavlo Polubotok was founded in Kyiv. It took over the organization of their “own national army, the powerful military force, without which one cannot think of obtaining the full freedom of Ukraine”.
Due to the appeal of the Polubotko Club members, Ukrainian soldiers initiated the creation of various self-gathered organisations on all fronts, armies and larger garrisons in the rear area. On 18 April 1917, more than 3,000 soldiers of the Kyiv redeployment depot declared themselves to be the 1st Ukrainian Cossack regiment named aft er Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytskyi. But the Russian command refused to recognise the regiment, having accused its soldiers of intentionally staying in the far rear zone and thus trying to avoid participation in hostilities. However, three days later, under pressure from the revolutionary situation, it was forced to agree to the formation of a 500-man Ukrainian volunteer military unit.
In order to unite and channel the powerful but largely spontaneous Ukrainian patriotic movement in the Russian army, the 1st Ukrainian Military Congress was held in Kyiv on 5–8 May 1917. It was attended by over 700 delegates, representing nearly one million soldiers. The delegates demanded autonomy for Ukraine within a federal Russian state as well as the “immediate nationalization of the army on the nationalterritorial principle”. Additionally, they demanded the Black Sea Fleet be replenished in future only by Ukrainians. Congress also raised the question of the introduction of the Ukrainian command language in the army. It should be used in national military units and schools
Tšehhoslovakkia armeekorpus Itaalia kuninglikus armees 1918. aastal
No full textÜlevaade konverentsiettekande põhjal
Omanimed eesti ja ungari kasutuses
No full textArtikkel käsitleb eesti ja ungari eesnimede rahvuspäraseks kujunemist. Ungaris hakkas ungaripäraseid eesnimesid tarvitusse tulema 18. sajandi lõpus, Eestis soovitati eestipäraseid nimesid alates 19. sajandi lõpust, nende leviku kõrgaeg oli 1930. aastate keskel. Eesti olulisema eeskujuna eestipäraste nimede suunas liikumisel on nimetatud Soomet, kaugemana muu hulgas Ungarit. Paralleele leidub soovitatud ning kasutusele tulnud nimevalikus ja nimerühmade kasutuse rõhuasetustes, omakeelsete nimede mõju järgnevale nimetarvitusele on aga olnud erinev. Siinses artiklis on käsitletud muutuste ning nimerühmade üldisi jooni. Keskendutud on eesnimedele, perekonnanimede muutused leiavad nimetamist niivõrd, kui see on oluline üldise tausta loomiseks
Leaving Home in Insecure Conditions. The Role of Labour Market Policies and the Housing Market in Europe
No full textLeaving home is regarded as one of the key markers of the transition to adulthood. Previous studies have shown that the degree to which labour market vulnerability affects decisions about leaving the parental home and forming a family differs across countries and across different welfare state regimes. In countries that provide more generous supports for youth, the impact of labour market weakness on housing autonomy is reduced. Still, it remains unclear what dimensions of the institutional setting may be most important when it comes to buffering the relationship between labour market insecurity and individual autonomy among young people.
Against this background, the paper uses multilevel models to investigate whether and how passive labour market policies and the structure of the housing market can moderate the relationship between labour market exclusion and youth housing autonomy.
The results show that the level of expenditure on passive labour market policies, as well as the level of coverage of these policies, do not play a moderating role on the association between unemployment and housing autonomy, suggesting that further investigation in this domain would benefit from the inclusion of qualitative information on the design of passive measures. On the contrary, the structure of the housing market shows a positive role, although relatively low, in moderating the association between unemployment and housing autonomy, together with a negative moderating role of the level of indebtedness of the households. These findings shed light on the domains where policy intervention might provide better returns when it comes to fostering the achievement of housing autonomy for youth
Кто оставил Льва Толстого в Петербурге? («Флигель-адъютантская» протекция в жизни и творчестве писателя) [“Who Left Leo Tolstoy in St. Petersburg? Aides-de-Champ and Their Protection in Leo Tolstoy’s Life and Works”]
No full textThe aim of this article is to find a most probable answer to the following question: due to whose aid was Leo Tolstoy allowed to stay in St. Petersburg in November 1855, i.e. during the Crimean War? It refutes several hypotheses, including that of Tolstoy himself, who in his later years attributed this decision to Nicholas I, and proposes two likely candidates for the role of Tolstoi’s patrons: aides-de-champ Dmitri Gorchakov (1828—1907) and Arkadi Stolypin (1821—1899). The article also explores the subject of patronage in Tolstoi’s major writings, including War and Peace
Письма М. О. Гершензона к А. В. Звенигородскому [Mikhail Gershenzon’s Letters to Andrei Zvenigorodsky]
No full textThis article is a prefaced and extensively contextualized publication of 27 letters from Mikhail Gershenzon (1869—1925) to an obscure Russian Symbolist poet Andrei Zvenigorodsky (1878—1961) written from June 25, 1904 to April 11, 1917. In the preface section of the article, special attention is paid to some circumstances related to their mutual research interest, the legacy of Petr Chaadaev (1894—1856)